TED Case Studies

Non-Traditional Agricultural Exports and the Pesticide Problem in Guatemala


CASE NUMBER: 416

CASE MNEMONIC: SNOWPEA

CASE NAME: Snow Peas and Pesticide Residues in Guatemala


I. Identification

1. The Issue

Snow peas have become one of Guatemala's most important non- traditional agricultural exports (NTAEs) over the last 10 years. Nearly all Guatemala's snow peas are destined for the U.S. market, which imports the vast majority of snow peas consumed. Non- traditional agricultural exports, meaning crops which have not previously been central in a country's export profile, are intended to increase export earnings by diversifying crops to reduce dependency on the few traditional products and by capturing new, more specialized markets. In addition, due to the high intensity of production per acre of land, NTAEs are thought to promote greater equity by improving income opportunities for small-scale farmers. However, when the new crops were introduced, pesticides were promoted as the means to ensure high yields and unblemished products acceptable to U.S. consumers. The use of pesticides created a need for more, leading to cost increases. And with increasing concern in the U.S. over the health impact of pesticide residues in foods during the mid-1980's, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration increased its monitoring of food imports. Snow peas were found to be Guatemala's most serious violator, leading to automatic detention of that country's exports and serious losses to farmers.

2. Description

This case will be discussed in the following sections:
Growth of NTAEs in Guatemala
Snow Peas: Leading NTAE Brings Benefits
Role of Small-Scale Farmers
Role of Exporters
Pesticide Problem for Snow Pea Producers
Pesticide Residues and U.S. Import Restrictions
Response in Guatemala to Losses due to Pesticide Residue Detentions

Growth of NTAEs in Guatemala

Agriculture is still the backbone of Guatemala's economy, earning about two-thirds of total export value (Murray and Hoppin 1992: 602). It represents 25 percent of GDP and employs 52 percent of the labor force (UNDP 1996). In the post World War II period, traditional crops of coffee and bananas were supplemented by the non-traditionalists of that era -- mainly cotton, beef and sugarcane. In the mid-1970's a new group of non-traditional exports - including snow peas, broccoli and melons -- was introduced with the support of USAID. With the economic crisis that hit by the end of that decade, a drop in international prices for traditional exports and increasing costs of cotton cultivation as a result of the 'pesticide treadmill,' the new non-traditional agricultural exports (NTAEs) expanded as farmers sought to increase income and the country attempted to expand export earnings.

The value of Guatemala's NTAEs doubled from 1980 to 1985 and reached $53.8 million in 1990, higher than any other country in the region except Costa Rica (Murray 1994: 60). While total NTAEs in Guatemala now constitute only 15 percent of the total value of the country's agricultural exports, net revenues and returns per hectare tend to be quite high and far exceed those of traditional crops. In addition, NTAEs continue to increase and have a significant growth potential. (Thrupp 1995a: 58-60) AID and the World Bank encouraged the cultivation of NTAEs with the infusion of new funding beginning in the mid-1980's. The Caribbean Basin Initiative, launched in 1983 to provide duty free treatment for most Central American and Caribbean products, was intended to strengthen regional economies through diversification of the agricultural export base. The Bumper Amendment to the Foreign Assistance Act of 1986, which prohibits U.S. government funds from supporting development of any agricultural production abroad that might compete with anything U.S. farmers export, ensured that AID focussed assistance on Guatemala's new NTAEs (AVANCSO and PACCA 1992: 3).

The expansion of NTAEs in Guatemala has meant advantages as well as disadvantages for the country and particularly its small-scale farmers. Advantages initially included greater returns to producers and the ability of smallholders to be competitive in cultivation. Snow peas and other NTAEs have been shown to create local employment directly on farms and indirectly through forward and backward linkages and multiplier effects resulting from increased income spent locally. However, disadvantages seem to have become greater, due to considerable environmental and social costs, as well as to high input costs and financial risks, particularly to small-scale farmers. Most importantly, reliance on pesticides has posed risks to consumers from residues in food which led to U.S. import restrictions and high losses to farmers. In addition, the high inputs of pesticides have impaired workers' health, brought on pest resistance and environmental disruptions, and thus led to elevated costs.

Snow Peas: Leading NTAE Brings Benefits

Snow peas became Guatemala's leading NTAE primarily due to their high returns to farmers, yet input costs are higher than for other crops (due to pesticide costs) and export losses are greater due to residues which are illegal in the U.S. However, demand for snow peas has been strong and prices remain attractive for producers. Guatemala increased the quantity of its snow pea exports more than 7 fold from 1983 to 1991, 82 percent of which were destined to the U.S. That country produces only a small amount of snow peas and relies on exports to meet 92 percent of domestic consumption, with Guatemala being its principal supplier. (Fisher et al. 1994).

In terms of advantages for growers, net revenues and returns per acre of snow peas are on average 15 times those of corn, the most important traditional crop for small-scale farmers, as well as being substantially higher than returns of other NTAEs. Snow pea cultivation is also more labor intensive, in part due to high density planting. The peas have a 2 month growing period, after which harvesting begins and extends over 10-12 weeks. Plants are tied to ropes stretched between sticks along rows of plants, a labor intensive process. Tasks include weeding, tying the plants, spraying for pest control and picking. Snow peas require an average of 663 labor days per hectare, about 11 times more than corn and beans and more than twice as much as most other NTAEs (Thrupp 1995a: 84-6). Yet, the small farm's comparative advantage in snow pea production, and in NTAEs in general, is due not only to the high labor intensity of the cultivation but also to the careful on- site management and supervision necessary for successful yields, which small-scale farmers experienced in traditional vegetable production can more readily supply. (Joachim von Braum et al. 1989:41-2)

Export prices have generally been favorable to farmers. Although snow pea prices have shown a high degree of price instability from week to week on the international market, according to a study over a 4 year period (1984-7), the fact that harvesting is stretched out over a 3 month period enables farmers to avoid the price risk. In addition, crops are cultivated in phases on different plots at different times during the year to further reduce risk. Thus, the danger of losses from international price drops, comparable to those which occurred in traditional export crops such as coffee, does not seem to be a threat. Even though there is little known about susceptibility of demand for snow peas due to price changes in competing types of vegetables, demand in the Northern industrialized countries has been growing. And small-scale farmers in the Guatemalan highlands will continue to have a comparative advantage due to local labor supply, as long as new technologies are not created to allow snow pea cultivation with considerably lower labor input in comparable climatic zones. (Joachim von Braum et al. 1989: 30)

Role of Small-Scale Farmers

While in many Latin American countries large-scale producers, businesses and transnational corporations have been the main beneficiaries of NTAE growth, the situation in Guatemala has been somewhat different. In that country, 90 percent of snow peas are grown by an estimated 8,000 to 10,000 relatively poor farmers on very small farms, typically less than two acres. (Thrupp 1995a: 71-2). Competitiveness of these small-scale farmers in snow pea cultivation is largely due to the fact that they are organized in associations or cooperatives, meaning they can share costs and risks and have more access to technical assistance. In addition, their large families help cover the high labor inputs (smallholders commonly do not count their family labor as costs). However, many of these small-scale farmers are increasingly unable to maintain a profitable business in snow peas or in NTAEs in general, often as a result of rising costs and losses due to pesticide use.

Benefits to small-scale farmers are especially important in a country such as Guatemala where land ownership is extremely skewed. The Gini coefficient (which ranges from 0, for perfect equality of distribution, to 100, meaning maximum inequality) was 85.1 for land distribution in Guatemala in 1979, the highest in Latin America. While 2 percent of farmers held 67 percent of agricultural land, including the best quality soils, 60 percent of farmers held under 1.4 hectare each (0.7 hectare on average) and cultivated a total of 4 percent of overall agricultural land. (Joachim von Braum et al. 1989: 21) Thus, farmers with small plots and many family members to supply labor entered NTAE production and cultivated primarily snow peas. It was an option available when other alternatives for improving their income were generally lacking. Often, these small- scale farmers tended to be involved in some form of association and were therefore more willing to take the risk.

Role of Exporters

Guatemala is a unique case of NTAE production in Latin America because of the large number of smallholder producers, particularly in snow pea cultivation. However, these small-scale and resource- poor farmers do not export themselves, but sell their produce to export companies through a system known as "satellite farming." Typically, the export company advances seeds, fertilizers and chemicals to the farmer, who agrees to pay for them when the crop is harvested. In essence, the farmer receives what amounts to a high-interest loan and promises to sell his crop to the export company although the latter does not promise a price. And the exporter can refuse to purchase the crop on delivery if its quality will cause it to be rejected at the U.S. border. Thus, most of the risk of a poor harvest is borne by the farmer, who suffers high losses if he can not sell his crop to the exporter.

Export companies of various sizes were initially able to thrive under the satellite farming system. However, with the increasing detentions of snow peas at the U.S. border by the early 1990's due to pesticide residues, a transition began to take hold in export structures toward those with stricter production controls dominated by larger, well-resourced companies working with fewer and larger- scale growers. Such a system of "contract farming" is already functioning with Guatemalan melon growers. Using elaborate written agreements, farmers receive technical packages including seed, fertilizers, pesticides and regular visits by company technicians. Following the harvest, they are paid a percentage of net earnings after the costs of these inputs are subtracted. Thus, the pesticide residue problem has affected the structure of production and is tending to push the small-scale and resource-poor farmers out of snow pea production.

Pesticide Problem for Snow Pea Producers

Farmers have encountered several disadvantages with snow pea production and NTAEs in general, primarily due to pesticides. In Guatemala, non-traditional crops have been introduced with heavy applications of insecticides, herbicides and fungicides. There are several reasons. While the absence of a real winter allows planting year round, it denies the natural pest control that comes from annual cold weather and from fallow cycles. In a tropical environment, insects are more numerous and varied, plant diseases are more prevalent and damp conditions are especially hospitable to fungi. Snow peas and other NTAEs have traditionally been grown in more temperate climates. They were therefore more sensitive to tropical pest problems, and were unable to evolve resistance to native pests as have crops traditionally grown in Guatemala. Pest problems have also arisen from the increasingly monocultural nature of cultivation. Farmers have relied on more pesticide applications to replace the reduction in natural environmental controls. In addition, U.S. markets demand unblemished produce, requiring more pesticide applications to pass the stringent standards for cosmetic purposes. Thus, high quality standards have placed greater pressure on growers to use a wide range of pesticides, not only to maintain yields but also to assure the produce's appealing and pleasant appearance.

Snow peas and NTAEs in general were introduced as part of a strategy for increasing cash crops, and the package for successful cultivation included pesticides. Farmers had to ensure quality appearances in order to get good prices for their produce, which led them to use fungicides and insecticides with a wide-spectrum, meaning they eliminated a wide-range of pests. Because of their broad destructive capacity, these chemicals tend to eliminate 'good' pests along with the 'bad' ones, creating natural imbalances and making the plants more vulnerable to other problems. In addition, these wide-spectrum chemicals tend to be the most toxic. For these reasons, the EPA and FDA restrict their use. However, studies on snow peas and other NTAE's, and the pesticides which might be needed for their successful cultivation in Guatemala, were not carried out prior to their introduction. According to the Hoppin study (1991), very little was known in the U.S. about specific pesticide practices and the related pest problems with NTAE's in Guatemala.

Nevertheless, as snow pea production increased, so did pesticide use. A vicious circle, referred to as a 'pesticide treadmill' began to develop whereby greater use generated more need. This situation was worsened by farmers' attempts to reduce blemishes on the pods by indiscriminately increasing applications of Chlorothalonil, a very effective wide-spectrum fungicide. However, deficient technical assistance had led farmers to misdiagnose the cause of the problem, and the extensive use of these wide-spectrum pesticides did not solve the problem and instead contributed to pest resistance and the need for more pesticides. (Fisher et al. 1994)

Pesticide costs per hectare have become higher for snow peas than for either cotton or bananas, which formerly utilized the highest levels of pesticides in Guatemala. Pesticides represent about one third of material input costs for snow peas, and exceeded $2,206 per hectare in the late 1980's. (Thrupp 1995a: 96) Input costs per hectare for snow peas are on average about 4 times higher than for traditional vegetables and 13 times higher than for corn (Joachim von Braun 1989: 11-12). In addition to high input costs and the 'pesticide treadmill' problem, heavy pesticide use puts workers' health at risk and causes other environmental problems such as contamination of waterways.

Pesticide Residues and U.S. Import Restrictions

Heavy pesticide use not only means high costs for Guatemalan farmers, increased pest resistance, impaired health of farmworkers, and contamination of the environment. Its negative effects reach the U.S. in the form of illegal and potentially harmful pesticide residues. Yet, the tightening of U.S. regulations on imports has caused extensive losses to Guatemalan farmers.

U.S. consumers have become increasingly aware of and concerned about pesticide residues in food in recent years. About one-fifth of produce sold annually in the U.S. comes from Latin America. U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) tests show that residues of U.S.-banned pesticides contaminate 5 percent of imported produce. (Tansey 1995: 55) Yet, an independent study by the Environmental Working Group (EWG) concluded that the FDA under-reported the actual rate of illegal pesticides by 76 percent in the 42 fruits and vegetables studied for the years 1992-3. Of the 13 countries from which the FDA tested more than 100 produce shipments each during this period, Guatemala had the highest rate of pesticide violations (24.8 percent). Yet the EWG study showed that the FDA reported only 13.8 percent of these violations. The most extensive violations occurred with snow peas: the EWG reported that 41 percent of snow pea shipments from Guatemala actually tested contained illegal pesticide residues, nearly half of which were mistakenly approved by the FDA. (EWG 1995)

The most serious and frequent residue detention problems in shipments of produce to the U.S. from Latin America during this decade have been from Guatemala. In the late 1980's, 27.3 percent of total NTAE shipments sampled from Guatemala were detained, resulting in losses to producers and exporters. Between 1990 and 1994, these losses reached a total of $17,686,000 due to residue violations that resulted in 3,081 detentions of Guatemala's exports. (Thrupp 1995a: 97)

In 1992, the FDA set up an automatic detention program for snow pea imports from Guatemala, which remains in effect today. This means that the Guatemalan grower or exporter must present a valid certificate of analysis showing that the product is free from pesticide residues considered illegal under U.S. regulations (the most recent law, the Food Quality Protection Act, took effect in August, 1996) before the product can enter the U.S. The analysis must be performed by an independent laboratory, at the exporter's expense. This procedure must be successfully followed for 5 consecutive shipments before an exporter will be able to ship freely, subject of course to periodic sample testing. Yet, for subsequent shipments of the same products the frequency of inspection is increased beyond the usual one percent sampling rate, and if another violation is detected the former procedure is reinstated. Currently, there are 8 out of Guatemala's 28 agroexport firms exempt from automatic detention for snow peas.

Acceptability of pesticide residue levels is determined by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). There are essentially three types of restrictions: pesticides which are tolerated for use on the crop but whose detectable residues must not be above a certain defined level; pesticides which have no acceptable tolerance for the particular crop, although acceptable tolerance levels may exist for use with other crops; and pesticides whose use is entirely banned in the U.S. (though they may persist in the environment). Detentions of snow peas have primarily been due to Chlorothalanil (a fungicide) and Methamidaphos (an insecticide), both of which have no tolerance levels for use on that crop.

Response in Guatemala to Losses due to Pesticide Residue Detentions

Due to serious losses to farmers, various initiatives have been undertaken since the early 1990's to resolve the pesticide residue problem. Efforts have focused particularly on snow peas, aimed at stopping application of chemicals not registered by the EPA for use on that crop, and have been carried out under Guatemala's Agricultural Development Project, financed by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID has been promoting NTAEs as a cornerstone of development policy and was concerned that export detentions would impede the success of its strategy). As part of this endeavor, the Integrated Pest Management (IMP) project was launched in 1991 with the collaboration of several public and private sector institutions in Guatemala. Several other efforts were undertaken as well. The Integral Program for Agricultural and Environmental Protection was set up to reduce pesticide residue problems and promote compliance with pesticide and sanitary standards in NTAEs, particularly snow peas. It works with U.S. government agencies and trade associations to provide technical services and to develop laboratory capacities for residue analysis. The International Pesticide Trade Association and Guatemala's National Committee on Snow Peas, as well as the U.S. Peace Corp in conjunction with the Panamerican Agricultural School, have all developed programs for training and education to reduce pesticide hazards and residue problems. (Thrupp 1995a: 116-119)

Integrated Pest Management (IPM) Project

One of the central efforts, the IPM project set out to research and apply integrated pest and pesticide management methods and to reduce pesticide inputs and detentions. Beginning with two years of research on the main pest and disease problems related to snow peas, the project generated new alternatives for integrated pest management, including solarization, the use of plastic "traps," the destruction of crop residues, crop rotation, and the rational use of pesticides with EPA registration. The project also included training and technical assistance for personnel of export companies, chemical salesmen, farm managers, and both small and large-scale farmers. (Thrupp 1995a: 117)

However, a 1993 study undertaken to assess the impact of the IPM project in 30 villages in Guatemala's major snow-pea producing areas showed somewhat disappointing results. While most farmers had adopted some new practices, only half were following pesticide residue precautions, a significant number continued to use unregistered pesticides, and very few had embraced key recommended practices for successful functioning of an integrated pest management system. Lack of sufficient knowledge of methods, time constraints and expense were cited as reasons for failure to adopt IPM. However, the study suggests that the methodology used for training and education, its top-down approach and lack of participatory methods, was responsible for the project's low success rate. (Thrupp 1995a: 118)

Small-Scale Farmers Suffer Greatest Losses

Pesticide residue problems may be pushing the small-scale, resource-poor farmers out of snow pea cultivation, but not just because they have suffered the bulk of the losses resulting from export rejections due to residue violations. Changing their pesticide use habits is not so simple when their resources are limited and their survival depends on each harvest. A study of 148 farmers of NTAEs and 11 exporters (Hoppin 1991) concluded that the relationship between exporter and grower was an important determinant of pesticide practices. Growers associated with companies having better resources and extensive U.S. contacts used pesticides in ways less likely to result in violations of U.S. residue limits than did members of cooperatives or the more independent growers under the satellite farming structure. This latter group of snow pea growers in the Guatemalan highlands were found to use on average 4.3 chemicals without tolerances (of which any residue would be considered a violation) per growing season, and violated the recommended pre-harvest interval between final pesticide application and harvest of the crop (to allow the pesticides to break down) for two-thirds of the chemicals used. (Murray 1994: 91-2)

Other NTAEs in Guatemala have seen a structural change in production to larger growers who are more directly controlled by exporters through contracts, in order to reduce the pesticide residue problem. While snow pea cultivation is still characterized by a variety of forms of production, if small-scale and independent farmers are not able to obtain effective assistance and resources to reduce their pesticide dependence, these farmers will invariably experience further losses. Thus, while the pesticide residue problem might be more effectively reduced by switching to contract farming and using fewer, more large-scale growers, small-scale farmers would be left with even fewer alternatives to improve their income. Evidence seems to suggest that pesticide-generated crises may contribute to land concentration and displacement of small producers in the development of NTAEs. (Murray 1994: 90-92)

3. Related Cases

4. Draft Author: Stephanie Weinberg, May 1997

II. Legal Clusters

5. Discourse and Status: Disagreement and Inprogress

6. Forum and Scope: Guatemala and Bilateral

7. Decision Breadth: 2 (Guatemala and the U.S.)

Guatemalan exporters must comply with U.S. law, which restricts the import of produce with pesticide residues, using EPA and FDA guidelines. Yet, USAID has established programs to help Guatemalan producers meet requirements for export to the U.S. As Polly Hoppin points out in her dissertation on pesticide use on NTAEs in Guatemala, U.S. agencies sometimes appear to be working at cross- purposes. While the EPA and FDA have focused on improved monitoring and regulation of imported food due to concern over pesticide residues, USAID has been promoting NTAEs as a cornerstone of development policy and is concerned that export detentions will impede the success of its development strategy. Efforts in Guatemala to meet U.S. import requirements have been only partially successful. Eight of the 28 companies exporting snow peas to the U.S. have been removed from the automatic detention list. Yet, attempts by exporters to reduce pesticide residues have led to increased use of contract farming involving larger landholders, tending to push many independent smallholders out of the market for snow pea production.

8. Legal Standing: Law

III. Geographic Clusters

9. Geographic Locations

a. Geographic Domain: North America

b. Geographic Site: Southern North America

c. Geographic Impact: Guatemala

10. Sub-National Factors: No

11. Type of Habitat: Tropical

IV. Trade Clusters

12. Type of Measure: Import Ban

13. Direct v. Indirect Impacts: Direct

Direct impact as a result of a border measure involving restriction of imports into the U.S. based on pesticide residues which are illegal in the U.S.

14. Relation of Trade Measure to Environmental Impact

a. Directly Related to Product: Yes - Snow Peas

b. Indirectly Related to Product: No

c. Not Related to Product: No

d. Related to Process: Yes - Health of workers

15. Trade Product Identification: Pea

16. Economic Data

Data on Guatemala - Source: UNDP 1996

17. Impact of Trade Restriction: High

Impact is due to the automatic detentions and the high losses to farmers.

18. Industry Sector: Food

19. Exporters and Importers: Guatemala and the U.S.

V. Environment Clusters

20. Environmental Problem Type: General Habitat

Non-traditional agricultural exports are grown in Guatemala's western highlands, a somewhat cooler and more temperate region of this tropical country. Cultivation takes place throughout the year, and NTAE's generally provide three harvests, though farmers may rotate crops. The majority of the population, and particularly most of the small-scale and subsistence farmers, are indigenous peoples.

Pesticides used in NTAEs damage the environment and can also pose risks to local crops, thereby raising costs to society in general and not just to NTAE producers. The specific extent of NTAE related contamination has not been monitored systematically over a sufficient period of time to determine the direct effects. However, there is clear evidence of harm to farmworkers and to the local environment as a result of inadequate storage and handling of pesticides, and insufficient precautions taken for usage. Illness from direct exposure, as well as contamination of soil and groundwater have resulted. Heavy use of chemical fertilizers along with the pesticides have led to soil toxicity and fertility loss, as well as water pollution through run-off. Soil erosion is considered at least partly responsible for declining yields of snow peas reported over recent years.

21. Name, Type, and Diversity of Species

Name: Many

Type: Mammals, Birds, Reptiles, Higher Plants

Diversity: Many - Guatemala is the most biologically diverse country in Central America. (Source: World Resources 1996-97)

22. Resource Impact and Effect: Low

The effect is on the product. However, pesticide use causes contamination of soil and groundwater, which can impact species.

23. Urgency of Problem: Low

24. Substitutes: Biodegradable

An alternative solution using natural methods to reduce the pest problem and pesticide use is Integrated Pest Management. IMP is an approach to crop protection based on the rationale that pest populations can be kept below economic injury levels with minimal or no recourse to chemical pesticides. It involves developments of traditional crop management, such as crop rotations and intercropping, and includes the use of resistant varieties, biological control, and diagnostic techniques. However, in order for such methods to be effective, particularly with small-scale farmers, education and training programs must work closely with farmers to address their concerns. Participatory methods and consistent extension work done by peers have been shown to be most effective in other rural development contexts.

Organic farming methods go further than IPM and eliminate all chemical inputs. Experiments with organic snow pea cultivation in the highlands have shown reduced pest problems. Indigenous farmers have suggested that organic cultivation would be a means of rescuing the cultural values of the Mayan peoples as a global solution to the problem of sustainability. (INCAP & WRI 1994: 51-2, 69)

VI. Other Factors

25. Culture: Yes

The majority of Guatemala's people are indigenous, most of them descendants of the Maya. The 1940 census reported 68% of the population to be of indigenous origin. Although the 1973 census reduced that number to 44%, most scholars cite the true figure as being from 50%-55%. Other sources put the number at 60%, and state that the figure is controversial because the ladino elite prefer to claim they are the country's majority. There are 22 distinct ethnic groups who speak a variety of indigenous languages, which scholars divide into 4 major languages, some 20 minor languages and dozens of dialects. The indigenous population is largely concentrated in the country's western highlands.

Small-scale farmers in this region once lived off of a diversified agriculture based on corn, wheat, and horticultural products for the national market, using natural techniques which were environmentally-friendly. However, massive imports of cheap grain from the U.S. made basic grain production unprofitable for these farmers. At the same time, traditional and non-traditional vegetable production inundated local markets, driving prices down too far to support small-scale farmers.

Thus, agroexport companies convinced farmers to cultivate non- traditional agricultural exports such as snow peas, providing the necessary inputs at favorable prices and promising high returns. These new crops, which had to meet certain aesthetic standards for international markets, were introduced along with pesticide packages. Farmers began to get trapped in the pesticide treadmill; they not only found their input costs increasing due to greater pest problems, but their produce was rejected at the border due to residues illegal in the U.S.

Programs aimed at changing farming methods and pesticide use to meet U.S. standards have not been very effective at reaching these small-scale, indigenous farmers. This seems largely due to failure to use participatory methods and to take cultural traditions such as farming customs into consideration. Indigenous farmers have complained that they were encouraged to leave behind their traditional agriculture, which used essentially organic methods, to cultivate new crops for export using pesticides.

26. Trans-Boundary Issues: No

27. Rights: Yes. Primarily economic and social rights.

28. Relevant Literature

Special thanks to Lori Ann Thrupp at the World Resources Institute (http://www.wri.org) for help in providing background literature for this case, and for her own important work on this subject.

Asociación para el Avance de las Ciencias Sociales en Guatemala (AVANCSO) and Policy Alternatives for the Caribbean and Central America (PACCA), "Growing Dilemmas: Guatemala, the Environment, and the Global Economy" (Austin: Document Exchange, September 1992).

Environmental Working Group, "Forbidden Fruit" (http://www.igc.apc.org/ewg/ff) 1995.

Fisher, Richard, Roberto Caceres and Danilo Ardon, "Informe Final: Evaluación de Manejo de Plagas y Plaguicidas en Arveja China del Altiplano de Guatemala," unpublished final report, Centro Mesoamericano de Tecnología Apropiada (CEMAT), Instituto de Ciencias y Tecnología Agrícola (ICTA) and World Resources Institute (WRI) (Guatemala City, Guatemala: April 1994).

Hoppin, Polly, "Pesticide Use on Four Non-Traditional Crops in Guatemala: Policy and Program Implications," Doctoral Dissertation, Johns Hopkins University School of Hygiene and Public Health (Baltimore: 1991).

Instituto de Nutrición de Centroamérica y Panamá (INCAP) and World Resources Institute (WRI), Sostenabilidad de la Producción Agrícola No-Tradicional de Exportación por Pequeños Productores en Guatemala (Guatemala City, Guatemala: INCAP and WRI, April 1994).

Kirshner, Adam, "New U.S. Food Quality Protection Act: Does it Protect Consumers?" in Global Pesticide Campaigner, Vol. 6 No. 3 (San Francisco: Pesticide Action Network North America, September 1996).

Murray, Douglas L., Cultivating Crisis: The Human Cost of Pesticides in Latin America (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1994).

Murray, Douglas L. and Polly Hoppin, "Pesticides, Nontraditional Agriculture, and Social Equity," in Global Pesticide Campaigner (Pesticide Action Network North America Regional Center: October 1990). See Pesticide Action Network North America (http://www.panna.org/panna)

Murray, Douglas L. and Polly Hoppin, "Recurring Contradictions in Agrarian Development: Pesticide Problems in Caribbean Basin Nontraditional Agriculture," in World Development, Vol. 20 No. 4 (1992): 597-608.

Rosenthal, Erika, "U.S. Pesticide Policy: One Step Forward or Two Steps Back?" in Global Pesticide Campaigner, Vol. 4, No. 4 (San Francisco: Pesticide Action Network North America, December 1994).

Tansey, Richard, et al., "Eradicating the Pesticide Problem in Latin America," in Business & Society Review, No. 92 (Winter 1995): 55-59.

Thrupp, Lori Ann, Bittersweet Harvests for Global Supermarkets: Challenges in Latin America's Agricultural Export Boom (Washington D.C.: World Resources Institute, 1995a).

Thrupp, Lori Ann, "New Harvest, Old Problems: Feeding the Global Supermarket" in Global Pesticide Campaigner, Vol. 5 No. 3 (San Francisco: Pesticide Action Network North America, September 1995b). See Pesticide Action Network North America (http://www.panna.org/panna)

United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Human Development Report 1996 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).

United States Food and Drug Administration (FDA) - Office of Regulatory Affairs, "Import Alert #99-14" (http://www.fda.gov/ora/fiars/ora_import_ia9914.html).

Von Braun, Joachim, David Hotchkiss, and Maartin Immink, Nontraditional Export Crops in Guatemala: Effects on Production, Income and Nutrition (Washington, D.C.: International Food Policy Research Institute, 1989).


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May, 1997