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I. Identification
"The most recent trends and forecasting studies by the World Trade
Organization indicate that cities will continue to be in high demand by tourists
of all sorts, and the problems associated with the handling of these tourists
will have to be more systematically tackled by all parties concerned. Cities
face, therefore, a double challenge. First, they have to be able to respond to
the expectations and needs of the growing number of tourists who are attracted
to their rich and varied array of cultural, business, entertainment, shopping,
sports and other attractions; furthermore, they need to continuously renovate
and improve such facilities in order to maintain their share in the competitive
tourism market and the benefits resulting from it. Secondly, cities have to
ensure that tourism is developed and managed in such a way that it benefits the
resident population, does not contribute to the deterioration of the urban
environment but rather to its enhancement, and does not become a financial
burden to the local authority." (Conference on "Tourism and the City: The
challenge of sustainability" from 10 to 12 November 1999 in Madrid, Spain)
This case study looks at the impacts of the tourist trade on both culture and the environment in Salvador, Brazil. For the purposes of the study, the tourist trade will include both domestic and foreign tourists. The case study will consider "culture" as an important reason for why tourists go to Bahia (along with beaches,sun and the sex trade). The tourist industry in the state markets Bahia's strong Afro-Brazilian heritage to both Brazilian and foreign visitors. Environment is defined here as the urban environment of the city and its residents.
The purpose of the case study is to address the impact of the tourist industry, through the transformation of urban areas for tourist consumption and entertainment, on the primarily Afro-Brazilian working class and poor. It posits that the municipal and state government have not met the above criteria for sustainable tourism as defined in Madrid, and in fact have continued to marginalize and discriminate against the majority of Salvadorans while marketing Afro-Bahian culture to tourists.
In 1993 Bahia was visited by 2,400,000 tourists. It was
estimated that by this year over 4 million tourists would visit the state, now
the second most popular tourist attraction after Rio de Janeiro. The state
government invested over 20 million dollars in tourism in 1993 and 1994 alone.
At the same time, Brazil occupied only the 47th place in the international
tourist ranking. Clearly, there is significant tourism potential that has yet to
be realized, indicating that tourism to the city of Salvador, and to it's most
visited neighborhood, will increase in the near future.
Population shifts and changing patterns of urbanization; privitization, including the privitization and official neglect of public space; rising poverty and inequality; outdated infrastructure; and capital flight to new, "modern" centers of commerce have all led to the deterioration of historical city centers in Latin America. Most Latin American cities share this growth pattern. Tourism is seen as a means to rehabilitate the core historical districts where they remain, often for foreign tourists in search of the exotic (and in the case of Brazil, national tourists as well). Locals are attracted by these new entertainment centers, which frequently contain a mix of bars, restaurants, and cultural organizations. In some cities, this has ocurred as long- term residents are forced out, and in others, a mixed-used neighborhood is attempted, with housing for both low-income residents and young professionals. In the case of Salvador, rehabilitation has meant the depopulation of the rehabilitated area. Previously inhabited by the poorest of the poor, residents were dislocated into surrounding slums or to housing developments and neighborhoods on the periphery.
With removal from the valleys, the poor were forced to move into areas
abandoned by the wealthy and middle class or into the growing favelas of the
suburbs. With the drive for modernization pushed by the dictatorship and the
economic boom of the 1970's, Salvador increasingly became a "modern" city that
abondoned its historic center. The financial and retail center of the city
shifted to new outlying multiple centers of commerce, accessible by freeway. The
environment of the traditional center became "degraded" by the increase in
street vendors, new shopping centers (that crowded out older, smaller
businesses) and cheap construction techniques. As a shopping zone for the
working class it began to show its abandonment by many of the wealthy as
services deteriorated. Although the traditional center remained a vital cultural
and historic area, with numerous churches, academies and other institutions,
Pelourinho became known as dangerous, an area avoided by the city’s upper and
middle classes. During the seventies and eighties it was marked as a
neighborhood of thieves, drug addicts and prostitutes to be avoided at all
hours. However, Pelourinho remained in the tourist guides. Tourists were warned
to be careful and to take a legitimate guide if possible. But due to the rich
cultural heritage of the neighborhood, it was considered a “must see” for anyone
visiting Bahia.
Neither "Bahianess" nor "Soteropolitaness" (a citizen of Salvador) are defined solely by the elite. The favela and poor surburban youth that take over Pelourinho on Tuesday evening, the Afro-Bahian Carnaval Blocks, the numerous Capoieira schools, the black consciousness organizations, and the Candomble temples of the city also shape what it means to be Bahian, Soteropolitano, and black or mestizo. A Pelourinho that was once dominated by the predominantly white ruling class is now the site of Black Consciousness Bahian style, both that officially promoted by the elite and that of the masses.
The renovation process that transformed the area has been criticized by architects, urbanists and community activists. As an integral part of the government's tourism strategy, it has been criticized as a renovation process that has served the needs of tourists and the city’s political, economic and social elite, while ignoring the vast majority of Bahians. The remaking of Pelourinho and historical city tourism in Latin America in general does, of course, serve the interests of both tourists and the local elite that dominate the industry. At the same time, the complexity of social class, race and culture in Latin America are reflected in this type of city tourism and city preservation. There are numerous NGO's, Carnaval blocks, and other institutions that walk a tightrope between the need to market Afro-Bahian culture to the outside consumer while continuing to struggle against Brazil's social apartheid. Working class residents, including those who reside in the outlying favelas and informal settlements, have also reclaimed the area for their enjoyment. Tuesday night has become known in the city for the large numbers of young, working class Salvadorans who frequent the area. It is the one night when the area seems to come alive with locals, when the tourist and the better off are less in evidence. Clearly, although during some nights it may feel like it, the neighborhood is not a "Disneyland" Bahia style. It is more than "para Ingles ver." But by removing the inhabitants of the area, and by the tourist oriented nature of so many businesses, the nieghborhood is somehow isolated from the larger city. There is an unreal quality to it, only reinforced by the numerous armed tourist police who roam the streets.
Tourism has often been used as a means to economically and socially revitalize poor areas. In the case of many Third World countries, a rich architectural and cultural heritage is seen as an economic asset and currency winner. There is, at the same time, a recognition that tourism in itself can be degrading and can do little to benefit the poorest, other than the provision of often low-wage jobs in the service industry. And, tourism can both cause environmental degradation and cultural degradation, as evidenced by examples such as Brazilian high-rise developments that have overwhelmed previously rural coastal towns and villages, or of Native populations selling mass produced trinkets to tourists. Out of that recognition, and particularly the world-wide environmental movement, has arisen "eco-tourism." The concept is generally associated with the idea of tourism that respects the natural environment and leaves few "footprints" upon it. It has also been seen as a means to provide local populations (usually rural residents) with an alternative to ecologically damaging ways to earn income, although its success at doing so has not been well-documented. Although there are far fewer examples, eco-tourism is also adaptable to urban tourism. However, how successful is eco-tourism? Who benefits from it and does it truly have the needs of local populations in mind?
Latin America is full of eco-friendly travel agencies and resorts. In the case of Brazil, eco-tourism is very much in vogue, particularly with tourists from southern Brazil and urban Brazilians who wish to experience such regions as the Pantanal, the Amazon, and rural areas of the Northeast. It goes hand in hand with environmental consciousness on the part of urban Brazilians. In Bahia, Praia do Forte is a classic example of eco-tourism, and is visited by people from all over the world. The small town is the home of the Projeto Tamar, which seeks to protect sea turtles. The guide books praise the project and the fact that it has given employment to the areas residents. However, what is not so well publicized is that the town was literally bought up by one man. He owns the towns and local residents work for him, at low wages.
There is a risk that urban eco-tourism will fall into the same trap. As an example, it can be argued that tours such as those that are currently popular in Rio, that take tourists on guided trips into the favelas, do little to benefit favela residents. How much of the money earned goes to those residents? Do tour group members spend their money in the favelas? What are the motives of tourists in joining the tours? There may be some benefit gained by raising people's awareness of what favela life is like, and therefore decreasing stereotypes. On the other hand, it is also likely that residents may resent being put on display for foreign tourists who have little real impact on their lives. What can tourists do to improve the delivery of services, to reduce the division between haves and have nots or to reduce crime and police violence?
Is there a possible "middle ground"? Salvador's mix of colonial architecture and Afro-Brazilian culture will continue to attract both foreign and Brazilian tourists in large numbers. Can Pelourinho serve as a lesson for the city? Can working class residents benefit from tourism, other than the possibility of more low-wage jobs (which are better, after all, than no wages) and increased city revenue? At present, the city is currently increasing efforts to attract more tourists and to expand the tourist zone to new neighborhoods. The working class neighborhood of Plataforma has a stunning view of the Bay of All Saints and of downtown Salvador, but due to the lack of ferry service across the bay, residents must travel at least half an hour to reach the city center. All that may soon change if the municipality has its way. There are currently plans to develop the waterfront and the surrounding neighborhood for tourism. It is easy to foresee the consequences- working class residents are pushed out due to rising land prices or are forced off the land by the current owners who will benefit from the development of the area. Tourist infrastructure and a new ferry link will pave the way for middle and upper-income housing. Although the neighborhood does not have the architectural heritage of Pelourinho, it does have a stunning view and potentially rapid (by water) access to the rest of the city. As in the case of Pelourinho, current residents are likely to end up further out on the periphery.
Pelourinho and the city center have a multiple reciprocal relationship with the physical and non-physical environment of the city. The neighborhood is, clearly, an important reference to the history and culture of Salvador and its inhabitants. It should never have been considered an architectural monument in itself, or even a physical entity to be preserved. A historic, urban neighborhood is a living entity of networks, buildings, people, relationships, and a past, present and future. Preservation in this case implies the recognition of the importance of the area to our world heritage and therefore to our present and future. Technically, it means the preservation of infrastructure. Socially, it means the understanding of the urban space and a commitment to not “cut it off” from the larger city and therefore to allow it to become “ahistorical.”
In light of the degradation of the urban environment of Pelourinho over the decades, and its marginalization, the recuperation of the architectural heritage of the area is impressive in itself. But Pelourinho should serve as an example of the pitfalls inherent in urban historic neighborhood recuperation. A democratic and participatory rehabilitation process should not exclude the participation of local residents. Although it must attract private investment and capital in the interest of turning such projects economically feasible (and often providing the neighborhood with an economic foundation on which to stand), it should balance that necessity with that of preserving a living space. Cities around the world must choose between new and more democratic processes that seek to combine their rich urban history and culture with tourism or the isolation of these areas into tourist zones, such as Times Square and Pelourinho.
To change the nature of urban tourim in Salvador and the dynamic between the city's majority and the tourist will be impossible without a change in the paternalistic nature of government and a lessening of the deep divisions in the state along racial and class lines. To expect those changes to occur in the near future is wishful thinking, given the antagonism toward change on the part of the current local and state governments and the city's elite. It is up to local residents to resist the "Pelourization" of other neighborhoods whereby tourist areas are emptied of working class residents and replaced with cultural centers, tourist shops, entertainment venues and boutiques. And, it is up to the tourist to recognize an authentic urban neighborhood, that combines an infrastructure appropriate to the tourist's needs with the homes and businesses of local residents, from an exotic, urban entertainment zone depopulated and cut off from the vibrant culture and reality of urban life.
II. Legal Clusters
III. Geographic Clusters
a. Geographic Domain: SOUTH AMERICA
b. Geographic Site: EASTERN SOUTH AMERICA
c. Geographic Impact: BRAZIL
IV. Trade Clusters
a. Directly Related to Product:
b. Indirectly Related to Product:
c. Not Related to Product:
d. Related to Process:
The World Tourism Organization estimated that in 1998 $444,741 million earned from international tourism, with the majority of tourists (54.20%) coming from European countries.
Salvador received 1.7 million tourists in 1999 as opposed to 1.6 million in
1998.
National Tourism to Bahia: States who sent the most tourists by order:
São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Sergipe, Minas Gerais, Pernambuco, Federal District,
Rio Grande do Sul, Paraná and Alagoas.
Foreign Tourism to Bahia: Countries
that sent the most tourists to Bahia by order: Argentina, Italy, United States,
France, Germany, Portugal, Uruguay, Spain, Chile and Swizerland.
Bahiatursa, the official state travel office, expected to receive 1.2 million tourists during the Brazilian summer: between December 1999 to March 20000. This would be a 10% increase from the same period a year earlier. An estimated $337.6 million was earned during the summer high season. During the high season, 139.8 thousand foreign tourists are expected. An estimated 468,000 foreign tourists visited Bahia in 1999. The number of foreign tourists to Salvador increased by 16% over 1998. The state receives 23 scheduled international flights per week, originating in nine cities in seven countries, as well as 604 national flights. Public investments in tourist infrastructure totaled, since 1991, close to $1.5 billion and an additional $805 million in projects to be concluded by 2005. Private investments reached $933.4 million and an additional $4.4 billion in projects to be concluded by 2012.
Secretary of Culture and Tourism and president of Bahiatursa, Paulo Guadenzi, stated that "private initiative is meeting the huge effort by the state government, who is doing its part, to put into place the tourist infrastructure necessary to attract new investments and equipment."
Carnval is the high point of the tourist season, attracting 650 thousand visitors, with 300,000 going to Salvador. This represents a 36.3% increase from the previous year. An estimated $90 million is expected to be earned from Carnaval alone. According to Gaudenzi, the goal for the state government is to make Bahia the number one tourist destination in Brazil by 20005, replacing Rio de Janeiro. An important reason for the increase in tourism to the state is the devaluation of the Brazilian Real. Brazil is now less expensive for the foreign tourist, who often chooses Bahia and the Northeast as their destination, and Brazilian tourists are more apt to visit regions within the country instead of travelling abroad.
V. Environment Clusters
Name:
Type:
Diversity:
VI. Other Factors
