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Anti-Chinese Sentiment
Anti-Chinese sentiment was
growing stronger and the Chinese were always portrayed as ugly and
irrepressible heathens.[1]
The typical Chinese immigrant wore wide leg trousers, a broad
brimmed straw hat and a pair of sandals or wooden shoes.
They always had a queue or pigtail hanging down their backs.
Their yellow skins, dark eyes, flat faces, language, and other
strange features made the Chinese easy targets for discrimination and
led whites to believe Chinese were inferior.[2]
One American trader said they were “ridiculously clad,
superstitious ridden, dishonest, crafty, cruel, and marginal members of
the human race.”[3]
Nationwide, but more predominantly in the West, people felt,
“Mongolian blood was debased, the Chinese mind was retarded, and more
Chinese immigration would threaten Aryan dominance.”[4]
White being superior was the common way of thinking.
Many Americans did not comprehend or care to understand Chinese
culture and religion. This
led to ignorance and prejudice.[5]
These misunderstandings and misinterpretations caused whites to
believe the Chinese were not capable of assimilation into American life,
thus posing a threat to American institutions.[6]
An assertion made by the Social Science Association stated,
“Ethnologists declare that the brain capacity of less than 85 cubic
inches is unfit for free government, which is considerably above that of
the coolie, as it is below that of the Caucasian.”[7]
The New York Tribune said of the Chinese:
The Mongolians, who are now coming among us from
the other side of the continent,
differ from our own race
by as strongly
marked characteristics as do the Negroes, while
will not as readily fall into our ways
as the Negroes…A population born in China,
expecting to return to China, living
here in a little China of its own, and without the
slightest attachment to the
country-utter heathens, treacherous, sensual, cowardly
and cruel…[8]
Many Californians feared they
were being inundated by an inassimilable race with evil habits and
strange morals. The
impression was given that the Chinese culture would “infect,
contaminate, and obliterate American culture.”[9]
Henry George also felt the Chinese would never assimilate into
United States culture. In his letter to the New York Tribune, he stated,
“the population of this country has been drawn from many different
sources; but hitherto, with but one exception these accessions have been
of the same race, and though widely differing in language, customs, and
national characteristics, have been capable of being welded into a
homogenous people.”[10]
It was feared the Chinese would take over and make the white man
inferior.[11]
A minority in
California welcomed the Chinese as “one of the most worthy [classes]
of our newly adopted citizens.”[12]
However, for the majority of Californians racial and religious
discrimination caused the Chinese to be victims of persecution.
Even before the Chinese moved to the more populated cities, white
laborers were protesting their presence. Some
of the anti-Chinese legislation passed in California included: the 1854
California Supreme Court decision in People v. George Hall, where
Chinese were deemed “colored” and were told they had no rights to
testify in court against whites; all 1854 citizenship applications filed
were denied, and in 1860 Chinese children were segregated from
California public schools along with blacks and Native Americans.[13]
Taxes
to keep Chinese out of mining and railroad industries were also
implemented in several states, not just California.[14]
For example, Oregon did not allow the Chinese to own mining
claims or land, and placed a five-dollar poll tax on every Chinese
miner. Montana, Nevada, and
Washington also passed discriminatory laws against Chinese miners.[15]
Chinese fisherman also became victims.
Their boats were sunk and nets slashed.
A tax of four dollars was expected each month from Chinese
fishermen. The use of mesh
nets was prohibited, thus curtailing the fishing season.
Whites also claimed the Chinese killed baby fish and harvested
small abalone, pushing state legislatures to pass laws against Chinese
in the fishing industry. All
of these laws were passed in an attempt to discourage Chinese
immigration. Despite such
efforts the Chinese held strong, worked beside whites as equal partners,
and resisted paying the mining and fishing taxes that were later ruled
unconstitutional.[16]
One idea that triggered anti-Chinese sentiment and antagonized American
laborers was the use of Chinese as strikebreakers.
This, along with Chinese competition in manufacturing, increased
the apprehension of white laborers.[17]
The Chinese were the “willing pawns of the American labor
market.”[18]
The American labor movement was characterized by capital’s
exploitation of labor. Capital put the Chinese in direct competition with skilled
labor because the Chinese were performing the work of experience
workingmen.[19]
Labor groups increasingly blamed their problems on the Chinese
and their employers.[20] An unstable economy also promoted anti-Chinese ideas. “For years the Chinese worked alongside European immigrants and marched in Fourth of July parades with the most elaborate and vigorously applauded displays. In 1868, Chinese merchants were present at a banquet honoring their contributions to the life and well being of San Francisco.”[21] However, in 1868 there was a recession and whites blamed the Chinese for their unemployment because they were a much cheaper source of labor. Hostility toward the Chinese became one of the elements that united the California labor force.[22]
Another factor strengthening hostility toward the Chinese and
consolidating the labor force was the Burlingame Treaty, ratified in
1868. Secretary of State William Seward claimed the main purpose of
the treaty was to increase commerce between the United States and China.
The treaty also recognized the “inherent and inalienable right
of man to change his home and allegiance and also the mutual advantage
of free migration and emigration of their citizens and subjects
respectively from one county to the other for purposes of trade or to
become permanent residents.”[23]
This facilitated large-scale entry of Chinese laborers to the
United States because before this treaty was signed, emigration from
China was a crime punishable by death.
This was no longer the case.
Americans and Chinese were now free to migrate to each other’s
countries. Nativist
thoughts began to take over in the minds of many Americans.[24]
Even those who lived on the East Coast began to understand the
new dangers the Burlingame Treaty brought forth.
We warn workingmen that a new and dangerous foe looms
up in the far west. Already
our brothers on the Pacific have to
meet it, and just as soon as the Pacific Railroad is
completed, and our trade and travel
begins to flow from east across our continent,
the Chinaman will begin to swarm
through the Rocky Mountains like devouring
locusts and spread out over the country
this side. Men who can work
for a dollar a
day…are a dangerous element in our
country. We must not sleep
until the foe is upon
us, but commence to fight him tomorrow.[25] The pro-Chinese sentiment the
United States government introduced by the Burlingame Treaty was short
lived because groups soon began lobbying for amendments to the treaty
that would restrict Chinese immigration.[26]
Plans to import Chinese labor flooded
the newspapers of every major city.
The laboring classes did not take too kindly to this because they
believed the importation of Chinese laborers would replace whites and
blacks already in the workforce.[27]
Henry George predicted the Chinese who came to the United States,
willing to work for low wages, would push whites out of several
occupations. To top things
off, a severe depression hit the United States during the mid 1870s,
leading to widespread unemployment.[28]
It was one of the worst depressions Americans had faced and it
hit on the national, state, and local levels.[29]
The Chinese were blamed for white unemployment and became the
scapegoats for American labor ills.[30]
In a letter to the New York Tribune
Henry George stated:
The Chinese are rapidly monopolizing employment in
all lighter branches of industry…
such as running sewing machines, making
paper boxes and bags, binding shoes, labeling
and packing medicines…They are…used
in grading railroads, cutting wood, picking
fruit, tending stock, acting as firemen
upon steamers, painting carriages, making boots,
shoes, clothing, and cigars, tin and
wooden ware…[31] In patriotic calls, Americans
were asked to boycott all Chinese made products.
American workingmen also formed anti-Chinese leagues and
organizations in an effort to fight for their rights.[32]
The Irish were the central figures in such movements, primarily
because they had to fight for the jobs they gained since their arrival
in the United States, and they were not going to allow the Chinese to
take over so easily.[33]
One such Irishman was Dennis Kearney.
He formed the Workingmen’s Party in California in the 1870s
with the slogan, “The Chinese Must Go!”
This party was largely a labor reform organization, but its most
important agenda was Chinese exclusion.[34]
“The Chinese Must Go!” was heard throughout the West Coast,
resulting in the formation of more anti-Chinese associations, the
holding of mass meetings, and outbreaks of violence.[35]
The claim that Chinese labor displaced
white labor was the issue exploding in California, and many parades and
demonstrations were held up and down the West Coast stressing
anti-Chinese sentiment.[36]
Eventually these parades turned to mob violence.
Most racial attacks occurred in western states such as California, Washington, Oregon, Nevada,
Colorado, Alaska, and South Dakota.
California newspapers and literature added fuel to this fire by
focusing on the racial and cultural peculiarities of the Chinese.[37]
In 1871, over 20 Chinese were hanged and burned to death in Los
Angeles.[38]
In one city’s “Negro Alley”, a mob of several hundred
whites shot, hanged and stabbed 19 Chinese to death.
Six years later, arsonists returned to this area to destroy their
homes.
The next major outbreak was in
1880 on Blake Street in Denver, Colorado. This
riot was spawned by the presence of disgruntled white laborers.
The whites in Denver ran through the streets for eight hours
breaking the windows and doors of Chinese dwellings and shouting: “Kill the Chinese! Kill
the damned heathens! Burn
their homes! Give them
hell! Run them out, shoot
them, hang them!”[39]
Fortunately, only one Chinese man was killed, but others were
brutally beaten and property damage estimated at $53,655.69.[40]
The lawless elements that committed arson, robbery, and murder
against Chinese were rarely caught or punished.[41]
In fact, after an anti-Chinese meeting that resulted in the fire
bombing of a San Francisco community, a legal holiday was declared by
the California Governor, George C. Perkins.[42]
Not all Americans believed the Chinese
were fundamentally different or should be treated as inferior.
Many missionaries defended the Chinese against mainstream
criticism.[43]
One of the first champions of persecuted Chinese was a
Presbyterian clergyman, Reverend William Speer.
He opened the first Chinese Christian church in San
Francisco, the first of its kind in the United States.[44]
Many clergymen believed that God sent the Chinese to the United
States to be Christianized. Clergymen also defended the Chinese by saying they were
“sober, polite, thrifty, quiet and inoffensive; they were eager to
learn English and read the Bible.”[45]
Other clergymen felt there were other advantages to the Chinese
presence in California: trade with China for West Coast shippers, rent from Chinese
tenants for landlords, and taxes for the State treasury.[46] The main argument for Chinese by
the clergymen:
…Industrial
resources in California could not be developed without the aid
of ‘Chinese cheap labor’. That the Central Pacific Railroad was built by the
agency of Chinese labor;
that every agricultural and mechanical industry
has been developed through this agency;
and in fact the whole material
prosperity of the Pacific Coast is due
alone to this ‘blessing in disguise’
which a wise Providence has conferred
upon this people…The plain and
logical deduction is, if it is His will
that it should be so, that the heathen
may be converted to Christianity…[47] As for the social evils that
existed in Chinatown, Speer asserted that prostitution rings were
maintained by “abandoned whites’.[48]
Opium smoking, Rev. D. M. Hulburd argued, was no worse than the
American liquor habit. “They
smoke opium, do they? Then
let us pray to God that they never be induced to exchange opium for
American whisky and even German beer.”[49]
In the
1870s, Reverend Otis Gibson took over for Reverend Speer.
Gibson attacked the Roman Catholic Church’s attitude because
these were the attitudes largely held by the Irish and working class
organizations. Catholic
priests believed the Chinese were “pagan, vicious, immoral creatures
that are incapable of rising to the virtue that is inculcated by the
religion of Jesus Christ, the world’s redeemer.”[50]
Catholic priests also urged a restraint and moderation of the
immigration of Chinese. By
1879, it became clear that pro-Chinese clergymen were making little
ground. They tried to show
the Chinese were descent, but the public usually swayed in the other
direction. In fact, a California referendum on the Chinese question
showed an overwhelming majority of 154,638 to 883 in favor of
immigration restriction.[51]
By 1879, pro-Chinese merchants also began to sway toward
exclusion. One clothing
manufacturer said, “I thought they would make good American citizens,
but I find I was mistaken.”[52]
The publisher of the San Francisco Evening Bulletin explains the
change in attitude, “The merchants have been the last to realize it,
but I think nearly all of them understand now that their business is
falling off because the laboring men cannot earn money to buy.”[53]
Despite the attempts of the clergy to Christianize Chinese
immigrants, most retained the religious beliefs of their homeland and
only a few converted.[54] [1] Choy, [2] Lin, “Chinese Immigrants,” 54. [3] Salyer, Laws Harsh as Tigers, 8. [4] Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America, 56. [5] Ibid. [6] Salyer, Laws Harsh as Tigers, 11. [7] Miller, “An East Coast Perspective,” 195. [8] Philip Foner and Daniel Rosenberg, eds., Racism, Dissent, and Asian Americans from 1850 to the Present (Westport, Connecticut: Stanford University Press, 1993), 86. [9] Salyer, Laws Harsh as Tigers, 11. [10] Foner and Rosenberg,
Racism [11] Choy, Dong, and Horn, The Coming Man, 124. [12] Gyory, Closing the Gate, 6. [13] Lee, “Asian Immigration,” 378. [14] Salyer, Laws Harsh as Tigers, 8. [15] Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America, 13. [16] Ibid, 24. [17] Ibid, 70. [18] Ibid, 56. [19] Choy, Dong, and Horn, The Coming Man, 84. [20] Salyer, Laws Harsh as Tigers, 9. [21] McClellan, The Heathen Chinee, 8. [22] Gyory, Closing the Gate, 26. [23] Salyer, Laws Harsh as
Tigers, 9. [24] Ibid. [25] Gyory, Closing the Gate, 29. [26] Salyer, Laws Harsh as Tigers, 9. [27] Gyory, Closing the Gate, 35. [28] Salyer, Laws Harsh as Tigers, 9. [29] Choy, Dong, and Horn, The Coming Man, 19. [30] Ibid, 84. [31] Ibid. [32] Ibid, 48. [33] Ibid, 112. [34] Seager, “Some Denominational Reactions,” 52. [35] Choy, Dong, and Horn, The Coming Man, 85. [36] Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America, 70. [37] Sayler, Laws Harsh as Tigers, 10. [38] Lee, “Asian Immigration,” 379. [39] Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America, 69. [40] Ibid. [41] Lee, “Asian Immigration,” 378. [42] Choy, Dong, and Horn, The Coming Man, 137. [43] Ibid, 9. [44] Seager, “Some Denominational Reactions,” 49. [45] Ibid, 53. [46] Ibid, 50. [47] Ibid, 58. [48] Ibid, 54. [49] Ibid. [50] Ibid, 55. [51] Ibid, 59. [52] Ibid, 60. [53] Ibid. [54] Ibid.
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Created by Jaime Boyle Last Updated 12/06/03 |