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Chinese
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Politics
Western politicians began introducing
bills in Congress to limit Chinese immigration as early as 1867.
However, until the mid 1870s, the anti-Chinese rhetoric brought
to Congress by California Congressmen was ineffective.[1]
Congress passed the first restrictive law toward the Chinese with
the Page Law in 1875. The
Page Law, passed by President Grant, banned Asians from entering the
United States involuntarily for labor purposes and prohibited Asian
women from coming to practice prostitution.
Passage of the law was a small victory for anti-Chinese
supporters in California, but on a national level issues of Chinese
restriction were placed on the back burner.[2]
In 1876 the Chinese question resurfaced because of the
presidential campaign.[3]
Both Democrats and Republicans had anti-Chinese ideas on their
tickets.[4]
Although it was an election issue, nothing dramatically changed
in regard to Chinese immigration. In
order to bring the issue of Chinese restriction to the forefront, the
entire nation had to become involved.
In an
attempt to rally the support of the eastern working class, Dennis
Kearney headed east in 1878 to publicize the dangers of Chinese
immigration.[5]
Kearney’s efforts were met with mixed reviews.
His support came from the working class and members of labor
unions. However, most saw
Kearney’s trip as a complete failure.[6]
The press had a field day denouncing him.
The Boston Transcript called Kearney “a blatant booby” and
the Democratic Chicago Times called him “a flatulent little brat”.[7]
Even the labor force had doubts about his message.
It is not enough to say the Chinese must go…for
one working man I should
hate to give up my situation
to a Chinaman or anybody else who offered to
do my work as well for a
fourth of my wages. If the
proposition to drive the
Chinaman into or beyond the
Pacific is so shocking to every preconceived
idea of justice or wisdom, so
hostile to the glorious traditions of this free
land, that I want something
more than Mr. Kearney’s keynote…Kearney
should rely on reason
and not prejudice.[8] Kearney
may have been a failure, but overall he made politicians throughout the
United States realize Chinese exclusion was indeed an issue.[9]
Several bills were introduced to slow
down Chinese immigration between 1878 and 1879.
One such bill was the Fifteen Passenger Bill.
The theme of this bill was no vessel should take more than
fifteen Chinese passengers aboard if the vessel has the intention of
bringing them to the United States.[10]
James Blaine championed this bill:
We have this day to choose…whether our
legislation shall be in the interest
of the American free laborer
or the servile laborer from China…You cannot
work a man who must have beef
and bread and would prefer beer, alongside
a man who can live on rice.
It cannot be done![11] Blaine,
a Republican from Maine, was initially the only Congressman east of the
Rockies to support Chinese exclusion and of course legislators from the
west believed this was the greatest bill ever introduced.
Eventually, Congressmen across the country began supporting the
Fifteen Passenger Bill in the name of working class Americans.[12]
Representative Edwin Willits, a Republican from Michigan stated,
“My chief reason for supporting such a measure is that I believe it in
the interest of American labor.”[13]
A great deal of sentiment against the
bill also existed. Congressman
like Hannibal Hamlin and George Frisbie Hoar, both from New England,
believed the bill went against the American ideal of equal rights for
all men. Some also asserted
the bill was against the Burlingame Treaty and reintroduced ideas of
know-nothingism.[14]
The Cincinnati Enquirer stated the bill was nothing but “flimsy
flapdoodle” and the New York Tribune asked, “Why should a nation
which did not shrink from three millions of Negroes, get into a panic
over a party of one hundred thousand Mongolians?”[15]
William Lloyd Garrison stated his thoughts regarding about the
bill:
Only fifteen the extent!
Would sixteen put this Republic in jeopardy?
If so what
assurance have we that fifteen
may be safely tolerated? Really
it is difficult in this
case which is the greater,
absurdity or injustice? We
have allowed all other peoples
to take up their abode with
us, notwithstanding their ignorance, destitution, unfortunate
training, and difference
of race; and they have come by the million…[16] Despite
opposition, the bill passed in both the House and the Senate.
However, on March 1, 1879, President Hayes vetoed the bill saying
it was against the Burlingame Treaty and would threaten relations
between the United States and China; not once did he mention ideas of
rights, equality or justice.[17]
The Fifteen Passenger Bill produced a significant advance for
anti-Chinese legislation. It
may have been vetoed, but now the Chinese problem was definitely a
nationwide concern. President
Hayes, also remained aware of the Chinese question, so he appointed
James B. Angell to revise the Burlingame Treaty with China in order to
put a limit on Chinese immigration to the United States.[18]
In 1880, a new ordinance, the Angell Treaty, was signed.
It allowed the United Stated to regulate the future immigration
of Chinese laborers whenever the government thought such immigration
“affected or threatened the to affect the interest of that country, or
endanger the good order of said country, or of any locality within the
territory thereof.”[19]
The Chinese government actually restricted its citizens from
emigrating by allowing the United Stated to reduce the number of Chinese
immigrants entering the country. The
only thing United States officials could not do was absolutely prohibit
the immigration of Chinese.[20]
The Angell Treaty was ratified after only five hours of
deliberation. This
exhibited Congress’
acceptance of the Chinese question.
This treatise marked the end of free immigration of Chinese
guaranteed by the Burlingame Treaty, and set the stage for the
introduction and consideration of the first Chinese exclusion law.[21]
During the forty-seventh session of
Congress in 1882, Senator John F. Miller, a Republican from California,
introduced a bill to suspend the immigration of Chinese laborers to the
United States. This would
include both skilled and unskilled workers, and the exclusionary period
proposed was twenty years. Miller’s
bill also provided for a system of registration, certification, and
identification for the Chinese already in the United States.
The bill was debated for eight days and received the support of
Western Congressmen and Southern Democrats.
However, some men from the East like George Hoar and Henry Dawes
of Massachusetts, Joseph Hawley of Connecticut, and George Edmunds of
Vermont, were all opposed to the bill because of its content and its
timing, coming so soon after the ratification of the Angell Treaty.
All in all, Democrats and Republicans were united on the issue of
Chinese exclusion allowing the bill to pass both houses.
The fate of Miller’s bill now rested in the hands of President
Chester A. Arthur.[22]
Not long after the bill’s passage in
Congress, China sent Zheng Zaoru to meet with Secretary of State
Frederick T. Frelinghuyesen. Zheng
told Frelinghuyesen that Miller’s bill was a clear violation of the
Angell Treaty.[23]
The Chinese minister did not agree with the bill because the
twenty year exclusion period was not reasonable, certain classes of
skilled labor that were permitted in the United States under the Angell
Treaty were included in the bill, and the clauses relating to passports
and registration were discriminatory to Chinese.[24]
Zheng also told the Secretary of State if the bill were passed
Chinese citizens would hold an unfavorable attitude toward the United
States. Frelinghuyesen
relayed the Chinese concerns to President Arthur.[25]
Apparently this paid off because the president vetoed the bill
based largely on what Zheng shared with Frelinghuyesen.
Arthur’s main reason for the veto was the exclusionary period
of twenty years, which he felt was too long.
He also believed the passport system violated the rights of
Chinese in the United States and deemed it unnecessary.
Lastly, President Arthur felt passing this bill would create ill
feelings between the two nations, causing trade agreements between China
and the United States to be destroyed.
The president did not want to lose access to China’s resources
because trade with the East did nothing but benefit the United States.[26]
Congress attempted to override the President’s veto but they
fell five votes short of the two-thirds majority.[27]
People across the nation were outraged
by the veto, but the most disconcerted were those living on the West
Coast.[28]
San Franciscans stated, “if we can’t stop Chinese immigration
by legislation, the people are going to have to begin rising up and use
acts of violence.”[29]
Of course, there were those who agreed with President Arthur’s
decision. They rejoiced and
held parades because of his sound judgment.
These attitudes generally came from east coast residents, in
cities such as New York and Philadelphia.[30]
A Chinese supporter expressed the following about Miller’s
immigration bill, “I congratulate our country on the wisdom of the
President’s veto…The President’s veto is a just and reasonable
one. We admire his
conduct….”[31]
Pacific Coast legislators and inhabitants were ready to take the
next step in pushing for Chinese exclusion, and introduced a new bill in
Congress with the suspension clause reduced from twenty to ten years.[32] [1] Gyory, Closing the Gate, 70. [2] Salyer, Laws Harsh as Tigers, 5. [3] Gyory, Closing the Gate, 77. [4] Ibid, 85. [5] Ibid, 109. [6] Ibid, 119. [7] Ibid, 117. [8] Ibid, 125. [9] Ibid, 135. [10] Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America, 59. [11] Gyory, Closing the Gate, 3. [12] Ibid, 5. [13] Ibid. [14] Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America, 59. [15] Gyory, Closing the Gate, 160. [16] Foner and Rosenberg, Racism, 105. [17] Gyory, Closing the Gate, 167. [18] Choy, Dong, and Horn, The Coming Man, 65. [19] Salyer, Laws Harsh as Tigers, 14. [20] Choy, Dong, and Horn, The Coming Man, 19. [21] Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America, 62. [22] Ibid. [23] Ibid, 64. [24] “The Chinese View,” San Francisco Chronicle, 6 April 1882, col. 3, p. 3. [25] Tsai, The Chinese Experience in America, 64. [26] The Congressional Record (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1882), 13:2551-2552. [27] Gyory, Closing the Gate, 244. [28] Ibid. [29] “Anti-Chinese Resolutions Adopted by a Republican Club,” San Francisco Chronicle, 13 April 1882, col. 3, p. 2. [30] “The Chinese Question,” San Francisco Chronicle, 8 April 1882, col. 3, p. 8. [31] Ibid. [32] “The Second Struggle,” San Francisco Chronicle, 6 April 1882, col. 1, p. 2. [33] The Congressional Record (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1882), 13:2967. [34] Ibid, 2968. [35] “It Should Pass,” San Francisco Chronicle, 12 April 1882, col. 2, p. 2.
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Created by Jaime Boyle Last Updated 12/06/03 |