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Migration and Social Networks

Nina Toren


Introduction

With globalization the phenomenon of scientists, engineers, and other professionals migrating from one country to another is growing worldwide. For instance, the NSF reports that since 1997 '…the cadre of foreign born [researchers] has swelled as the number of their US counterparts have contracted… India is the largest exporter of scientific talent to the US, and China is the second largest.'
In this paper I deal with three professional groups-- scientists, engineers, and physicians -- that migrated to Israel from the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) in the early 90s. The number of immigrants from the former Soviet Union between 1989 and 1993 was approximately seven hundred thousands. At that time Israel's population numbered about five million. This influx in the early 1990s included about ten thousand scientists and many more engineers, and it almost doubled the number of physicians in Israel.
Immigrant professionals and scientists from the Soviet Union in the 1970s, and the CIS in the 1990s have been recognized as possessing highly valued human capital and being able to contribute greatly to the development of the country. Their occupational integration has always been a major concern of government policy, combining ideological and practical aspects, that is - the absorption of Jewish immigrants on the one hand and the diversification of research institutes on the other. It was nevertheless realized that, in practice, it is not easy for these immigrants to find employment in their professional specialties and their integration into the new environment is not a simple process (Toren 1995).
According to the Government's policy to enhance the absorption of immigrant professionals and academics, in particular the so-called Russians, much planning and money are invested in their occupational integration. A variety of work-settings in industry, government, and academia are encouraged and supported to employ newcomers; for example, the universities are compensated for employing recent immigrant academics, and a special unit in the Ministry of Immigration pays their salary for the first two years. After that period, it is hoped that some will stay as regular faculty or research staff in the universities and affiliated R&D institutes. Other organizations, such as business-incubators sponsored by the Ministry of Industry and Commerce, industrial plants and government agencies employ professional immigrants under similar conditions.

Problem and Purpose
Immigrant scientists usually encounter a situation in which their ties to peers in the country of origin are severed or weakened and new associations in the country of destination have not yet been formed. Indeed, the lack of personal and professional connections that would link them to the local scientific and professional communities, and establish access to resources necessary for their work, was one of the most difficult problems reported by scientists and engineers from the Soviet Union that I studied in the mid-1970s (Toren 1988).
For understanding this situation of highly educated immigrants, the distinction between human, social, and cultural capital can be usefully employed. Although these migrants have high human capital --education, knowledge, skills, and experience-- they lack social capital, namely the needed social contacts and relationships that would provide them with similar opportunities accorded to local professionals. In network analysis terminology we can say that the nodes of a network represent human capital while the lines connecting them represent social capital, that is social ties. Only when this occurs, will human and social capital be transformed into cultural capital (Bourdieu).

[Figure]

Studying the configurations of immigrants' collegial networks is therefore of practical and theoretical importance. Collegial networks are patterned informal communication ties among colleagues through which pertinent information is exchanged (Burt 1984; Marsden 1990). Network linkages provide access to important and scarce resources, such as information, new skills, money and power. A basic tenet of the network perspective is that the web of relationships in which individuals are embedded shapes their attitudes and behavior. For example, studies show that scientists who are part of a diversified and dense collegial network are more productive than isolates (Price and Beaver 1966; Crane (1972).
Two types of networks that were distinguished in a previous study on immigrant scientists (Toren 1988 in Simon) were applied in the present study:
The intellectual-influence network and the professional-support network .
a. The intellectual-influence network is comprised of colleagues who influence a professional's work intellectually (according to his/her own report). The resources exchanged through the ties connecting network members are mainly cognitive - information, ideas, models, methods etc.
b. The professional-support network is composed of colleagues who contribute to a professional's adjustment by helping, teaching or training, and providing connections to other professionals and institutions.
These types of collegial networks of engineers, scientists, and physicians will be analyzed and compared first in terms of their structural properties, such as size, range and density, and second as regards the substance or contents of what is transmitted through network ties.

Sample
The sample of this study was drawn from the Russian scientists who came to Israel in the second large wave of this immigration, mostly during 1990 and 1991, who were employed in all the institutions of higher education in Israel (composed of seven research universities). Of the total relevant population (N=515) a sample of 123 persons was randomly drawn from the names' lists of immigrants employed in each university. The sample includes 81 scientists with a Ph.D. or equivalent degree in physics, chemistry, mathematics, and biology; 28 engineers (with a Ph.D. or Diploma); and 14 physicians (medical doctors). Eighty-two percent of the sample are men and 18% women; the median age is 46 years.
At the time the study was conducted in 1993, ninety-five percent of the professionals investigated were employed in off-ladder temporary positions; only two persons had a tenure-track appointment. Over seventy per cent were in the lower ranks of lecturer or researcher that are not part of the tenure-track, 16% held the higher rank of senior lecturer\researcher, 9 % were associate and full professors .


Questionnaire
The questionnaire used in this study for interviewing immigrant scientists and professionals is based on a questionnaire for scientists designed and validated by Schott (1992). Several additions and changes were made in order to investigate problems relevant to the particular population studied here. Respondents were personally interviewed usually at their place of work.
To delineate the intellectual influence network each respondent was asked to name up to ten persons whose research had influenced his or her work in recent years (since about 1985). The respondent was then asked several questions regarding the relations with each listed influencer. For example, whether influence has been through publications or personal contact, whether they collaborated in research, whether the influencer was a fellow-worker, teacher or student, and about characteristics of the persons named such as, country of origin and institutional affiliation, field of specialization, etc.
A similar procedure was employed in reference to the professional support network. Here the main focus is the substance of resources and kinds of assistance the respondent received from network members, such as finding work, helping write a research proposal, establishing contact to Israeli scientists and scientific institutions, and the like.

Findings
In the present study I compare immigrant scientists, engineers, and physicians in terms of their collegial networks and the implications for their integration into a new professional community and environment. The comparison is according to several network attributes:
Size and Range - (the number of persons named by the responded)
Density - (the ratio of empirical ties to possible ties among colleagues named by a respondent)
Intensity and strength (frequency of personal and impersonal contact with network members)
Homophily respondent as composing his/her network).
(degree of similarity between respondent and network members)
Nature of resources transmitted through ties (cognitive, professional support, information)


The results show significant (p < .05) differences in network size between the professional groups, with engineers having the smallest average network (3.107), next scientists (3.629), and physicians with the largest average network ( 4.785).
In respect to frequency of contact (personal meetings) we find that engineers meet with colleagues significantly less often than physicians and scientists (p< .005).

[Table 1]

The professional-support networks of the immigrants studied are composed mainly of local Israeli colleagues (38%), and Russian veteran immigrants who came to Israel in the 1970s (42%), who help and support the new immigrant in his/her professional work. They provide instrumental-technical resources, such as help in writing research proposals, teaching how to use new equipment, teaching Hebrew, sending them to retraining or upgrading courses etc. Another kind of support is by helping find a job, creating contacts with other colleagues in Israel and abroad, and connection with research & development institutes. These can be called - "ties to ties."
[Table 2]

As mentioned above, in the case of immigrant academics and professionals, besides instrumental and technical support, help in building bridges and creating networks of associations are a major mechanism for their integration into the local and global professional communities. Referring to this issue two important findings are noteworthy:
a. According to their own report immigrant professionals, in general, receive more help with instrumental and technical matters than relational issues.
Ii. There are consistent and significant differences between the three groups regarding the amount of help obtained in finding work, writing research proposals, and teaching new research techniques. In these respects physicians receive most support, scientists are second, and engineers receive least help according to their own report (they also have the smallest average size network)

Three kinds of networks emerge with each characterizing a particular professional group:

1) The communicative-informational networks of scientists
For scientists the intellectual-influence network in general is more salient than the professional-support network. This is reflected in the structural attributes of this type of network in which scientists exhibit the largest size, the widest range, the highest density, and the highest degree of personal, informal communication with colleagues. The main resources transmitted are scientific knowledge and information. Scientists also score highest regarding the associational (ties to ties) resources -- getting acquainted with the employing academic institutions, and establishing links to local Israeli and international colleagues.

2) The tightly-tied instrumental networks of physicians
Among the groups studied physicians emerge as the most tightly knit, well connected professional group; having on the average the largest professional support networks and the highest density of ties among network members. Accordingly they also report receiving the largest amounts of help, in particular as regards task- oriented instrumental aspects. Physicians' collegial networks may be succinctly characterized as interactive and instrumental.
A unique feature of immigrant physicians' integration process is that they have to take a formal examination of the local medical association in order to get licensed which may account for the relatively high degree of professional support that they need and receive.

3) The loosely-linked low-resource networks of engineers
Engineers are relatively less integrated and connected. Their networks are more limited in size and range, less densely woven, and they interact with colleagues less frequently, both personally and impersonally. As individuals they are more isolated than other professionals. This pattern holds for professional-support as well as intellectual-influence networks. Accordingly, engineers report having received the smallest quantities of resources and support. The typical pattern of engineers' collegial relationships can be described as a loosely tied low resource network.
The findings of this study suggest that engineers are the most problematic group in these respects, and open-ended interviews with university professors and R&D managers support this conclusion. An important question is whether engineers would be both more satisfied and contribute more professionally in different types of research organizations than the institutions of higher education that have been studied here. The "natural" milieu for physicians is the hospital and research laboratory; for scientists it is the university and its affiliated research institutes. The comparative analysis of the nature of engineers' collegial networks indicates that academia might not be the most conducive environment for their well-being and performance. Indeed, the Ministry of Industry and Commerce is developing and supporting a new type of work units for the employment of new immigrant engineers called "technological incubators." These organizations are oriented to applied R&D; their purpose is to help engineers and scientists with innovative technological ideas to develop them into a new marketable product or process. Technological incubators are composed of a small number of workers and emphasize both individual entrepreneurship and teamwork; they may thus provide a more congenial work-setting particularly for engineers. The kind of collegial networks that develop in these work units and their effect on the professional integration of engineers is the topic of my future research.

To sum up - migrant scientists and professionals hold human capital that can greatly benefit the host country. The lack of social capital could, however, lead to their closure within themselves and isolation from the local and internatinal communities of colleagues (a situation that we are witnessing in regard to the so-called "Russian" immigrants in general). This kind of situation could be detrimental to both immigrants and veterans, and to the society as a whole. Hence it is important to encourage the development of social connections while at the same time realizing the typical work settings and collegial network characteristics that are conducive to different professional groups.
Scientists, engineers and physicians are potentially highly-valued human-capital but it is also realized that their absorption entails complex economic, occupational, social, and psychological processes.
The findings of this study suggest that engineers are the most problematic group regarding the creation network connections, and open-ended interviews with university professors and R&D managers support this conclusion. An important question is whether engineers would be both more satisfied and contribute more professionally in different types of research organizations than the institutions of higher education that have been studied here. The "natural" milieu for physicians is the hospital and research laboratory; for scientists it is the university and its affiliated research institutes. The comparative analysis of the nature of engineers' collegial networks indicates that academia might not be the most conducive environment for their well-being and performance. Indeed, the Ministry of Industry and Commerce is developing and supporting a new type of work unit for the employment of immigrant engineers called "technological incubators." These organizations are oriented to applied R&D; their purpose is to help engineers and scientists with innovative technological ideas to develop them into a new marketable product or process. Technological incubators are composed of a small number of workers and emphasize both individual entrepreneurship and teamwork; they may thus provide a more congenial work-setting particularly for engineers. The effect of these work units on the professional integration of engineers is an interesting topic for future research.


 

 

References

Bourdieu, Pierre.
1993 The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature. Cambridge: Polity Press.

Burt, Ronald S.
1984 "Network items and the general social survey." Social Networks 6: 293-339.
Crane, Diana.
1972 Invisible Colleges: The Diffusion of Scientific Knowledge in Scientific Communities. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Marsden, Peter V.
1990 "Network data and measurement." Annual Review of Sociology 16:435-463.

Price, Derek, J. de Solla and D. Beaver.
1966 "Collaboration in an invisible college." American Psychologist 21: 1011- 1018.
.
Schott, Thomas.
1992 "Soviet science in the scientific world system." Knowledge: Creation, Diffusion, and Utilization 13:410-439.

Toren, Nina.
Science and Cultural Context: Soviet Scientists in Comparative Perspective. 1988 New York, P. Lang.

Toren, Nina.
1985 "Scientists." In R.J. Simon (ed.) New Lives: The Adjustment of Soviet Jewish Immigrants in the United States and Israel. Lexington Books.

Table 1: Structure of Networks
Means, Standard Deviations (in parentheses), and Differences of Means Tests for Engineers, Scientists, and Physicians


Structural
Characteristics of Support Networks Engineers
N = 28 Scientists
N = 81 Physicians
N = 14 F - Value
Size 3.107
(1.396) 3.629
(1.996) 4.785
(1.476) 3.951*
Range 1 - 7 1 - 9 3 - 7
Density .747
(.383) .731
(.359) .831
(.227) .481

Frequency of Contact 10.736
(6.259) 16.736
(8.133) 16.020
(8.085) 6.288**
Structural Characteristics of Influence Networks
Size 2.607
(1.685) (3.765)
(2.420) 3.714
(2.267) 2.810
Range 0- 6 0 - 10 0 - 9
Density .434
(.421) .559
(.404) .489
(.402) 1.026
Type of Contact:
Impersonal 1.897
(.664) 2.248
(.614) 2.344
(.664) 3.263*
Personal 1.605
(.940) 1.771
(1.849) 1.642
(.656) .398

* p < .05
** p < .005

Table 2: Resources Received
Means, Standard Deviations (in parentheses), and Differences of Means Tests for Engineers, Scientists, and Physicians

Resources Received Through Support Networks Engineers
N = 28 Scientists
N = 81 Physicians
N = 14 F- Value
Find Work .928
(1.152) 1.728
(1.341) 2.357
(1.598) 6.178**
Teach Research Methods and Use Equipment .928
(1.015) 1.493
(1.558) 1.928
(1.591) 2.545*
Help Write Research Proposal .964
(.792) 1.037
(.954) 1.785
(1.121) 4.189*
Help Learn Hebrew .428
(.920) .086
(3.23) 2.714
(1.540) 5.847**
Send to Re-Training Course .178
(.475) .222
(6.89) .428
(.646) .759
Familiarize with University 1.321
(1.334) 1.679
(1.603) 1.214
(.975) .988
Create Contacts with Local Colleagues 1.142
(.848) 1.567
(1.788) 1.428
(1.696) .723

Create Contacts with International Colleagues .607
(.786) .703
(1.249) .642
(1.081) .080

* p < .05
** p < .005


 

 

 

 
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