| Case Number Case Mnemonic Case Name: |
406 CAMELID Camelids and Trade |
Llamas have historically been used for their high protein meat, transporting goods along the Incan mountain roads, and in religious rituals. Alpaca fur is a finer fiber, and therefore alpacas have been historically been used for their fiber. Both llamas and alpacas decreased in Bolivian sheep herds gained predominance. The resulting degradation of topsoil in the altiplano region is a problem that has been more visible and publicized in the past few years, but its roots extend back 400 years.
In 1580, sheep were first introduced to the Bolivian altiplano by Spanish colonists. When the Spanish conquistadors arrived in Bolivia, they used religion to attempt to control the native Bolivians. Catholic missionaries established themselves in the altiplano region, and promptly denounced the use of llamas in religious rituals, using their colonial power to wear down the Aymara religion so Catholicism could take root. In addition, llama meat was outlawed in the marketplace, in an attempt to reduce the availability of llamas for religious rituals. Spain, as the colonial power in Bolivia, used this law to generate markets for its own livestock, such as sheep and cattle. This law remained intact until the 1980s, when it was challenged by an association of camelid herders and subsequently repealed by the government. (See Legal Cluster for more information.) Because of this combination of religious dogma and colonial law, sheep became increasingly central to herding in the altiplano communities and the llama lost some of its predominance, but was not eliminated. Almost 400 years later, in the 1960s, the Bolivian transportation infrastructure has been developed, decreasing the demand for llamas for transporting goods. This further challenged herders to decrease llama production.
There is one reason central to the continuation of sheep herding after the reversal of the law prohibiting sales of llama meat: the need of Bolivia's rural poor to generate income through, and the limited foresight of aid donors supporting income - generating projects. To development professionals and aid donors, sheep simply appear to have greater potential for income generation than do llamas and alpacas.
Sheep have a gestation period of nine months, whereas llamas have a gestation period of eleven and a half months. The shorter gestation period means that more sheep can be produced in the same period of time. In addition, sheep simply take less pasture space since they are smaller animals. The overseas market for sheep wool is quite well established, whereas there is not a large demand for alpaca or llama fiber on the world market. These three points, along with the relative familiarity of sheep to US and European donors, made the case for promotion of sheep herding as an avenue for economic development. Donors including the University of Utah and Heifer Project International, began to fund programs to establish sheep herding and wool processing as a means of income for the rural poor; this was one component of what was considered an appropriate path to economic development for Bolivia. However, issues of market competitiveness and environmental sustainability were not considered in depth, and the projects meant to help the herders actually served to destroy the soil.
The same protectionist trends that led to the introduction of sheep into the Bolivian herding industry in European colonial times now limit the demand for Bolivian sheep wool. This is a product that can be produced within the European Union and the US, and given the trends of national protectionism that have arisen as some countries face issues of globalization of markets, the wool market is unlikely to favor fiber imported from Bolivia. The Bolivian domestic market favors traditional fibers. Thus market competitiveness makes sheep herding a difficult strategy for successful economic development.
On the environmental issue of soil erosion, the logical response of a development community unaware of the link between sheep and soil erosion would be to increase sheep herding. In purely logical terms, as soil is eroded and less land is available for herding, it makes sense to maximize use of the remaining grazing land by raising smaller animals. Sheep are significantly smaller than llamas, which weigh an average of 280 to 350 pounds and measure 40 to 50 inches high at the withers. More sheep can be raised per acre of land, and as a result development groups which have not done proper impact assessments on sheep herding continue to increase their funding of sheep herding projects. The impact is clear -- it is a cyclical problem that requires both education within the development community and rejuvenation of the traditional herding practices and significance of camelids within the Aymara community .
It should be noted here that not all development organizations and aid donors remain unaware or unconcerned about the erosion of altiplano topsoil. The Inter American Foundation, a US government agency, has funded Bolivian NGOs for projects in genetic improvement of camelid livestock and overseas fiber marketing. Other development organizations and Bolivian NGOs are increasingly involved in publicizing the environmental problems related to sheep herding in an altiplano ecosystem, and their voices have begun to make an impact. The most significant hurdle, the domestic law prohibiting sale of llama meat, has been cleared, and now action can be taken to improve the environmental sustainability of the Bolivian altiplano herding industry.
| Trade Product: Bio-geography: Environmental Problem: Domain: |
SHEEP, CAMELIDS ALTIPLANO - ANDES MOUNTAINS HABITAT SOUTH AMERICA |
The legal status of llama meat as a marketable food in Bolivia has been addressed, and the legislation process has been completed. Legislation signed in the 1980s allowed for the sale of llama meat in Bolivia and created a framework of health and sanitation standards for butchering. According to Inter American Foundation project evaluations, this has resulted in an increase in llama production, measured in absolute numbers of llamas and in the ratio of llamas to sheep in the majority of herds (Healy, Forthcoming).
The legal status of sheep herding as an economic activity is
unlikely to be challenged. This issue is more likely to be
addressed and resolved in a change in herding norms and practices
than in legislation. Possibilities for legislative action include
quotas on sheep per acre of land, limits to number of sheep that
may be imported or donated by development organizations, or ratio
requirements for herders that require a specified number of
camelids per sheep in a herd. Each of these three possibilities
has potential to generate resistance from herders, middlemen in the
sheep wool export industry, and development groups and aid donors.
This is an issue which will increase in visibility with time unless
it is addressed comprehensively -- providing incentives for herders
to reduce sheep and increase camelids in their herds and ensuring
a fair market price for llama meat (domestically) and alpaca fiber
(internationally).
While the llama meat legislation has a very narrow breadth of
impact, controls on sheep herding or quotas on camelid to sheep
ratios could impact Bolivia, the US, and other donor
countries.
| a. Geographic Domain: b. Geographic Site: c. Geographic Impact: |
South America Western South America Bolivia |
The discrimination against the Aymara culture and norms that began under colonialism remained part of the Bolivian legal system long after Bolivia gained its independence from Spain. Along with the legislation against llama meat, the colonial government was responsible for creating the internal divide between rural Bolivians and Bolivians living in the colonial metropolis, La Paz. An attitude was cultivated within La Paz that llama meat was made illegal because it is disease-ridden and unclean, and therefore the rural communities which sustained themselves through camelid herding were backward, unclean people. This is, of course, untrue, however, there is still an urban bias against herders and llama meat is still viewed as poor people's food.
The religious rituals involving llamas to celebrate fertility and prosperity were outlawed during colonial times and frowned upon by Catholic missionaries. The Aymara people were worshippers of "other" gods, and clearly they were discriminated against when they were forced to convert to Catholicism. The result was the disappearance of many Aymara cultural and religious rituals and the diminishing importance of the llama in their daily life.
| a. Directly Related to Product: b. Indirectly Related to Product: c. Not Related to Product: d. Related to Process: |
Yes Yes Yes | Llama Sheep Species Loss Land |
not available
| Name: Type: Diversity: |
Llama/Alpaca Animal/Ruminant/Camelid North American and South American varieties |
Caro, Deborah A., "The Socioeconomic and Cultural Context of Andean Pastoralism," Sustainable Crop-Livestock Systems for the Bolivian Highlands: Proceedings of an SR-CRSP Workshop, University of Missouri, 1992.
Hamida, Essma Ben, "Development: The Rape of the Andean Agricultural Heritage," Inter Press Service, May 2, 1988.
Healy, Kevin. Forthcoming.
International Llama Association. The Llama Catalog: 1996-97 Directory of Llama Products and Services. ILA: Denver, 1996.
US Department of Commerce, "Bolivia: Licensing Abroad," NTIS Foreign Trade Opportunities, January 17, 1991.
Walker, Bruce D. "Recent Agreements by International Lending and Financial Institutions," The Washington Post, October 10, 1983.