ICE Case Studies

Number 83

May 9, 2001

The Civil War in Sudan:

The human price of oil

Case Background
Environment Aspect
Conflict Aspect
Environment Conflict Overlap
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Drafting Author: Sarah E. Sitarek


I. CASE BACKGROUND

1. Abstract

The civil unrest in Sudan has been going on for 18 years and has the record for being the longest ongoing civil war in the world. As a result, it has claimed the lives of over 2 million people and left 4 million displaced from their homes. In response, the United States Government has been making attempts to put an end to this war that has caused starvation, the taking of slaves and human rights abuses. Legislation called the Sudan Peace Act was introduced in the both the House and Senate which "if enacted, would effectively de-list from the New York Stock Exchange companies doing business with the Sudanese regime."1This would close the U.S. capital markets to those companies doing business with the Sudanese regime as part of an effort to influence the situation in Sudan. This bitter war pits the Arab, Muslim north against the African, Christian south and as the war ensues, so do the human right abuses. Sudan has been under US Sanctions since 1997, but there has been increased pressure on the foreign oil companies doing business with the government of Sudan because the revenues from the oil are supporting the Khartoum regime's war effort. This case study will examine the abuses caused by the conflict, the history of oil and conflict in the country, in addition to looking at the present day economic implications for the foreign oil companies who are participating in the oil exploration and extraction in Sudan.

 

2. Description

The government of Sudan, which seized power in the 1989 coup, are Islamic extremists that back the practice of a contemporary form of slavery. The Arabized Baggara are tribes in western Sudan that are armed tribal militias by the Khartoum regime that serve as "a cost-reduced counterinsurgency war against the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), which is identified with the Dinka tribe of southern Sudan." 2 The Nuer and Dinka tribes of the south have been opposing tribes since 1991 when the SPLM/A split, and the Khartoum regime has used this division to its advantage by arming factions of these tribes. It is the tactic of the tribal militia to avoid military targets and direct attacks against the SPLM/A. Their reasoning is to not risk themselves in warfare, but rather to raid civilian villages that are not prepared to retaliate. In this way, their war effort is to capture the women and children, along with acquiring any relief supplies. These abductees are oftentimes physically and sexually abused, taken from their families, and denied their ethnic heritage and religion. "Those who force these changes on their captives often are convinced that they are doing a favor for the captives; they regard the Dinka culture as inferior and believe that the abductees are fortunate to have been incorporated into a superior culture." 3 They raid civilian villages, abducting women and children, which are then sold as domestic slaves, wives or concubines. The muraheleen, or tribal militia, consider the abductees as war booty and "their 'war' effort is directed exclusively towards civilians, which is a gross violation of international humanitarian law."4

The situation in Sudan is one of the worst catastrophic genocide as schools and hospitals in the south continue to be bombed. Christians in the south not only face enslavement, but forced conversion to Islam, leaving more than 4 million displaced. Human rights continue to be violated as the government loots relief food and supplies, denying them to needy civilians. In an effort to persuade the Sudan government to work towards peace, the US government put into effect President Clinton's 1997 Executive Order that imposes comprehensive economic sanctions on Sudan. Further efforts are being made to prevent those foreign oil companies doing business in Sudan from raising capital on US markets and potentially de-listing them from the New York Stock Exchange. The companies affected by this act are Canada's Talisman Energy, China's National Petroleum Corporation and Petronas, all of which are partners in the development of oil fields in Sudan. China's oil firms are state-owned and have already lost $2 billion, and more negative publicity about their involvement with the Sudanese regime may lead to increased loss. This situation is one of politics and economics in that China wants to be a member of the WTO, and their involvement with this situation has led some to lobby against their gaining membership. They also sold off part of their firm to private shareholders, and therefore risk these investors divesting. For those privately invested, the link between politics and economics is just as evident. The US stance against the situation in Sudan may lead them to ban access to US capital markets in an attempt to persuade Sudan's partners to take a stand against the Khartoum regime. Even if this does not come to pass, these companies are still faced with political pressure for their involvement in Sudan and risk economic loss because many religious and humanitarian organizations have pursued divestment campaigns. Their aim is to make aware shareholders and mutual fund managers of what their money is supporting, and encourage them to sell their shares. It has been remarked that there is an " 'oil-inspired softness on Sudan' caused by Talisman Energy, CNPC and Western oil companies seeking to engage in future projects in Sudan." 5 Whether or not the pressure on the oil companies works, remains to be seen.

The historical situation in Sudan has been marked by the hostility among a culturally diverse population. The two main groups in opposition to one another are the Arab-Muslims of the north and the African-Christians of the south, in which each group continues to fight to preserve the lives of its people and their identity. For starters they have a conflicting value system, as the southerners' fight for Africanism makes no room for the northerners' attempt to assimilate the southern Christians. The sense of nationalism felt by the southern Sudanese is built on their indigenous religions, and the common historical experience of Arab slave raids. It is this shared African identity that causes them to fight against conversion. On the flip side, the northern Sudanese have their own nationalism through Arabism. This culture permeates every aspect of one's life, and the sharing of these beliefs is central to its existence. The widespread practice can be seen through its values, practice of Islamic law, and use of the Arabic language. The northerners draw from their history and are direct descendants from Arab culture, and feel the need to identify solely with the other Muslims in an attempt to preserve their culture, and remain exclusive from the south. With the Khartoum regime in place, the south continues to oppose the propagation of Islam and any forced assimilation through military retaliation, and so the war ensues. (See Causal Diagram)

 

3. Duration:

Timeline of Sudan Conflict

Year
Event
1955
Beginning of first civil war.
1956
Independence - end of British-Egyptian condominium rule.
1958
General Abboud's military coup
1969
Jaafar Nimeiri becomes president after "May Revolution."
1972
Addis Ababa Agreement, with autonomy for the South, ends 17-year civil war.
1974
Chevron begins oil exploration.
1975
Sudan is called the potential
"breadbasket of the Arab world."
1981
Chevron discovers oil in commercial quantities.
1983
Nimeiri divides the south from one autonomous state into three states, putting the oil areas as a part of northern Sudan. In April, the civil war is re-ignited and by September, Nimeiri imposes "Sharia" laws used by his regime to terrorize and humiliate, including the use of indefinite detention, public floggings and amputations.
1990
Chevron quits and relinquishes all concessions due to the conflict; Gulf War breaks out - Khartoum backs Iraq.
1992
Government begins mass relocation of civilians.
1993
Sudan fails to pay World Bank for loans; US State Department adds Sudan to
list of terrorist states.
1997
Clinton issues executive order imposing
economic sanctions on Sudan; Khartoum regimes adopts "Islamic" constitution.
1999
Pipeline completed linking Heglig
oilfield with Red Sea; Sudan government bans all relief flights to civilians surrounding
oilfields; First shipment of
600,000 barrels of oil leaves Port Sudan.
Present day
Conflict continues...

 

4. Location:

Continent: Africa

Region: Middle East

Country: Sudan

5. Actors:

Sudan and SPLA



II. Environment Aspects

These eighteen years of war have been characterized by numerous accounts of gross human rights violations. ''The civilian population living in oil fields and surrounding areas has been deliberately targeted for massive human rights abuses -- forced displacement, aerial bombardments, strafing villages from helicopter gunships, unlawful killings, torture including rape and abduction.''6 These abuses are carried out by a number of police forces including the Sudan People's Armed Forces, the Popular Defense Forces (PDF), the Public Order Police (POP) and other internal security forces. The civilians do not have the ability to rise against the government in a peaceful manner. Attacks have been through landmines, bombs and raids, which have harmed not only innocent civilians, but also foreign relief workers. Government forces have been found responsible for numerous abuses including:

To see a list of over 40 articles (and hyperlink to full text) documenting actual cases of all these different abuses of the Sudanese people between 1997-99, click here.


The judiciary is not an impartial system granting justice, but instead is largely influenced by the Government. Oftentimes those accused of crimes against the Government do not receive fair and public trials, and are even sometimes denial counsel. "Human rights monitors report that the Government continued to harass, detain, and torture members of the legal profession whom it viewed as political opponents." 7

Here are some general statistics about Sudan and the conflict:

Given the danger posed to humanitarian aid workers and reporters, there is limited data available on the actual situation in Sudan. "Aid workers are convinced that many bombings this year remain unreported and uncounted because they occurred in remote villages in southern Sudan, an area the size of Texas. Therefore, confirmed reports of 132 bombings this year probably understate the true number of air attacks against non-military targets."8

These statistics collectively represent many of the personal accounts of human rights abuses that have occurred throughout this war. One situation in particular involved a 22 year-old Sudanese student named Stephen Amin, who captured on video the aerial bombing of a primary school in the Nuba Mountains. In this attack, 14 people died, including 13 children and a teacher, 17 were injured and 5 could not be found. This was not the first instance that he actually witnessed and survived an attack. In the midst of teaching one of his classes, a student of his died from a warplane attack that the Khartoum regime deployed. "The bombing of Kauda is only a minor example among the many inhuman actions carried out by the Sudan Government army. We believe that the root cause of the Sudan civil war is the lack of human rights." 9 This situation is evidence of the violation of human rights and disregard for the innocent bystanders in the war. Another similar situation was a bombing of an Episcopal Church Cathedral in southern Sudan. It was a known center of religious life, education and health care. "When such a centre is consistently targeted it is hard to avoid the conclusion that the intentions to harm and terrorise the civilian population."10 The Government is intolerant of other religions outside of Islam and therefore, non-Muslims are facing a great deal of persecution, including the destruction of their places of worship.

Due to the control the Government has, one's right to religious freedom has been taken away. The innocent civilians do not even have a forum to peacefully protest. About 38 women whose children had been forcibly conscripted into the Government's armed forces went to peacefully protest and submit a petition at the UN Development Program building. The country representative declined meeting with them, but instead called the National Islamic Front security services that beat the women with batons. "The injuries inflicted were very severe indeed. One woman was knocked unconscious and had her arm so badly beaten that it later had to be amputated. Four other women were still hospitalised four weeks after the beatings." 11 Most were stripped to almost nakedness, arrested and sentenced to both flogging and imprisonment. Access to legal counsel was denied, and when the head of the Lawyers for Democracy association called a press conference, the Government closed the lawyers union and denied them access. In another situation, women's vehement protests of innocence resulted in being threatened with the death sentence and public beheading or stoning. 12

All of these real situations seem to be explaining the same thing. That is that the civilians in Sudan do not have a voice. The abuses are in all different forms and don't discriminate based on age, gender, or level of involvement in the conflict. The abuses are extreme and no mercy has been shown. The aid of the international arena is all that is left to end this conflict, and ultimately the violation of human rights. Since the Sudanese Government has admitted to using its oil revenues to finance the war, the foreign oil companies doing business there should accept an element of responsibility. ''Respect for human rights should be the central issue for any company which is involved in a war-torn environment such as southern Sudan -- the silence of powerful oil companies in the face of injustice and human rights violations is not neutral.'' 13 Without the oil companies' involvement, Sudan wouldn't have anyone to do business with because the oil is only as valuable as it can be sold. The sale of oil is financing the war in that the government is using the profits to purchase arms. "On the day of the export shipment of the first 600,000 barrels of oil, an import shipment of 20 Polish T-55 tanks arrived in Port Sudan."14 It has also been reported that Sudan has received increased military assistance in the form of weapon supplies, technical assistance and funding from numerous countries such as China, Bulgaria, Iran, Iraq, Malaysia and Uganda. It has been noted more than once that shipments arriving into Port Sudan are often labeled as machinery for the oil pipeline, but are found later to be weapons.

"I believe a company that is doing business in a country under a repressive regime must not provide financing or other resources for the perpetuation of wrongdoing or atrocities. As long-term investors, we believe a company that is cavalier about its moral and social responsibility presents an unacceptable investment risk. The expanding divestment campaign against Talisman Energy for alleged complicity in the horrors in Sudan is just one indication of that risk.''14b

-Alan G. Hevesi, shareholder in Talisman Energy and Comptroller of the City of New York Pension Funds

Sudan's estimated population of 27.5 million is a multiethnic mix, and the ethnic and religious aspect to the conflict is one that can not be ignored. The dominant groups are made up of Arabs, Africans, Muslims and non-Muslims, and has an even smaller breakdown between 19 major ethnic groups and 597 subgroups, not to mention the 115 different indigenous languages. The SPLA, which is the principal armed and organized militia, has pursued a "divide and destroy" policy by using the various factions in southern Sudan to viciously attack one another, perpetuating the ongoing civil unrest. Sudan has been labeled a terrorist state since it has supported Arab-organized attacks against U.S. targets, and is often compared to China because of their denial of religious freedom. However, it should also be noted that although there have been gross numbers of Christian casualties, there has also been Muslim casualties. Northern Sudan is made up of approximately 16 million Muslims, while the southern ethnic groups, largely Christians and followers of traditional indigenous religions, total about 6 million. In their struggle to be free from the dominant north, the climate of intolerance continues as the government maintains an anti-Christian policy by destroying Christian structures, harassing believers and charging apostasy by Muslims as a capital crime. Since the Government is controlled by the Muslim majority, there is also discrimination against ethnic minorities in education and employment, especially in Arabic-speaking areas.

6. Type of Environmental Problem: Human rights violation (possible land pollution from oil spills but no record of these occurrences on public record).

7. Type of Habitat: Tropical

8. Act and Harm Sites: Sudan and Sudan



III. Conflict Aspects

Background of Oil and Conflict

War first broke out in 1955 (See Timeline) between northern and southern Sudan, and by 1969 Jaafar Nimeiri became President. In his first year in power he nationalized all banks and sequestered large companies, and with a failed communist coup d'etat, he kicked out Soviet advisors. This first civil war ended in 1972 with the Abbis Ababa Agreement, which gave a resolution to northern and southern Sudan to maintain peaceful co-existence. The country remained united, with the northerners maintaining control, but allowing for self-rule in the south. However, the discovery of oil in the late 1970's in southern Sudan changed all this. "A US firm, Chevron, which had been drilling since 1975, confirmed in July 1979 that a test well, sunk to a depth of 9,000 feet, was flowing at the rate of 500 barrels a day." 15 In 1978, President Nimeiry decided to embark on an oil exploration project, and only a few years later, oil was found in commercial quantities. In an effort to control the oil in the south, President Nimeiry broke the agreement by dissolving the southern government using military force and imposing Islamic law. As a result, groups mobilized, arming themselves for another civil war that broke out in 1983, with the Khartoum government going to extreme measures to control the oilfields. "Since the Khartoum government does want to protect the oil, it has been ruthless in doing so. People living near the oil have been forced to leave, and the government has kept up the war so as to protect the oilfields." 16

In order to extract and export the oil, a 1,600 kilometer pipeline was built to transport the oil from the Unity State in the south of Sudan to Port Sudan on the Red Sea. Its cost was $1 billion and it was completed in May 1999. Up until this point, Sudan was an importer of oil products but has since become an exporter of petrol. "The refinery began operating in February (2000), and, along with an older 10,000bpd refinery at El-Obeid in central Sudan, was now meeting all the needs of the country, which used to import about 1.5 million tones a year of products." 17

Oil Facts:

These facts on the oil exploration and extraction demonstrate the invaluable resource that the Khartoum regime has found, as the first statistic gives a glimpse at what the costs were to the country prior to finding oil in their backyard. All of these facts point to the obvious fact that this resource could finance this regime and its interests for years to come. Many areas are yet to be explored, and the amount of oil already found has been enough for Sudan to be completely self-sufficient in terms of oil resources and financing its other "needs." This resource gives the Sudan Government great power and control to dominant the south through the violation of their human rights. However, the greatest power comes in their ability to sell and profit from the oil, as the oil is only as valuable as it can be sold, and this will only continue if the foreign companies invested in the Sudanese oilfields keep their business agreements with the Khartoum regime.

Although many parts of Sudan are being explored for oil, there exist two main business organizations, composed of both private and government-owned companies, that are extracting oil in the Western Upper Nile Region. The Khartoum regime, in conjunction with these companies, allocates different blocks of territory to these business organizations, or consortiums. The first is The Great Nile Petroleum and Oil Corporation (GNPOC) which is the main consortium that operates in the two main oil producing areas, Unity-Block 1 and Heglig-Block 2. GNPOC is composed of four companies (See Table 1), and the main partner who has a 40% stake is China National Petroleum Corporation, which is owned by the People's Republic of China.

  1. CNPC - controlled by the government of China, but partly owned, under the name of PetroChina, by private investors around the world.

  2. Petronas (Petroliam Nasional Berhad) - owned by the Malaysian government

  3. Talisman Energy - private Canadian company

  4. Sudapet - owned by the government of Sudan

 

Table 1

 

Another business organization partnered with the Sudanese government for oil extraction is the Block 5A Concession. In February 1997, the International Petroleum Corporation signed an agreement with the Khartoum regime to operate in a different concession area. This makes up the second main consortium which operates in an area called the Block 5A concession. While IPC leads the consortium with a 40% stake, its other partners include Petronas, OMV GmbH and Sudapet (See Table 2).

  1. International Petroleum Corporation (IPC) - owned by Lundin Oil AB, a private Swedish Company

  2. Petronas (Petroliam Nasional Berhad) - owned by the Malaysian government

  3. OMV GmbH - an Austrian company

  4. Sudapet - owned by the government of Sudan

 

Table 2

 

Although these are the major companies involved, others include Agip (Italy), Gulf Petroleum Company (Qatar and Sudan), Mobil, National Iranian Gas Company, Royal Dutch Shell (Netherlands), TotalFina (France and Belgium) and Trafigura Beheer B.V. (the Netherlands). As one can see, the effort put forth to extract oil from Sudan has been a global one, with numerous countries involved in an attempt to tap into this valuable resource. Companies that were involved in the pipeline construction were from Canada, UK, and Germany, but the main part was aided by China. Pressure has been put on all companies due to the extreme violation of human rights that is going on in the midst of these oilfields. In order to construct the pipeline, the local population has been driven out and displaced from their homes, and since its construction, there have been three attempts to bomb the pipeline.

 

Talisman Energy Inc.

China National Petroleum Corporation

Petronas


9. Type of Conflict: Civil War

10. Level of Conflict: High

11. Fatality Level of Dispute (military and civilian fatalities): 2,000,000



IV. Environment and Conflict Overlap: Direct

12. Environment-Conflict Link and Dynamics

The environment-conflict link exists because civilians live in the midst of the oilfields in southern Sudan where there is exploration and extraction, and it is northern Sudan that wants the oil. Pressure in the form of financial repercussions is being put on the foreign oil companies who seem "intent on taking stakes in fields that can only be developed if the Sudanese army first succeeds in keeping the rebels at bay by displacing civilians in the area with brutal, scorched-earth tactics."18 The struggle here is one of profits versus morality, and the United States can be the driving force in persuading oil companies to stop doing business with the Khartoum regime.

"Since 1997, the U.S. has banned trade, loans or aid to Sudan because of the government's support of terrorism and its poor human rights record."19 In February 2000, the US Treasury Department broadened these economic sanctions to include Sudapet, Sudan's state-owned oil enterprise, and the Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company (GNPOC), and anyone found doing business with either entity would be fined and possibly face imprisonment. However, the Treasury Department immediately granted exceptions to China National Petroleum Corporation, Petronas and Talisman, which collectively make up 95% of GNPOC. This exception was a frustration to those activists against having any connection with the Sudanese regime, even indirectly through the US capital markets. Therefore many are urging Congress to approve the Sudan Peace Act, which having already received approval from the House, was referred to the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations in January 2001. Part of this legislation looks to de-list companies doing business with Sudan from the New York Stock Exchange. However, there is disagreement about this component of the bill because the US government has never prevented firms from raising capital on the US markets because of their involvement elsewhere, or as some view the tactic, as a means to pursue US foreign policy goals. Supporters of the legislation argue that allowing these oil companies to continue without consequence "would be akin to allowing a Nazi-affiliated company to raise money on Wall Street while its government was sending millions of Jews to death camps...the poor people in southern Sudan are being told their value is not as important as open markets and the free flow of capital." 20 While the US Government debates whether the capital and bonds markets should be closed to these firms, religious and human-rights groups have been raising awareness and pursuing a divestment campaign against the oil companies by writing letters to mutual fund managers, bank executives and state treasurers. Despite efforts to block the sale, China National Petroleum was listed on the NYSE in early 2000, but divestment campaigns did affect its Initial Public Offering.

The Canadian government has investigated Talisman, but at this point it has refrained from imposing sanctions. The nation-wide divestment campaigns have been successful in that some fund managers have sold their shares, resulting in a falling share price. "Despite record third quarter results in 1999, Talisman's share price dropped some 12% at the beginning of November when Canada's Foreign Minister announced an inquiry into the human rights aspect of the Sudan project." 21 Although Talisman's managers believe that the stock price will bounce back and that the accusations of their involvement with human rights violations are unfounded, Fosters Resources, another Canadian company, has backed out of its participation is a new oil exploration agreement with the Khartoum regime. "The company said 'a retraction from interested parties,' influenced by certain media coverage that painted its project as 'a plot to fuel a civil war,' caused it to default on its production sharing deal with the Sudanese government." 22

The Clinton Administration was reluctant to close US markets to these companies because they felt "that tampering with capital markets could backfire. Companies can take business to dozens of other stock exchanges, from London's and Tokyo's to Hong Kong's. And foreign governments could retaliate, banning US firms from their markets." 23 Although the debate over the Sudan Peace Act becoming law continues into the Bush Administration, religious and humanitarian organizations continue to campaign against investment in these oil companies.

 

Causal Diagram

 

"What prevents us from fighting while we possess the oil that supports us in this battle even if it lasts for a century?"24

-Says a Sudanese cabinet minister

The casual diagram above shows the vicious cycle of the situation in Sudan. There exist many different dynamics that contribute to the ongoing conflict. The first component is the military action taken not only by the government, by also by different factions and tribal militias. These armed groups have played a role in the conflict in various manners, some to back the government's pursuit of oil, others to raid civilian villages and loot supplies. The government's military capacity is being fueled by the profits from the oil business in southern Sudan. As the above quote clearly articulates, having control of the oil resources is all that the Khartoum regime needs to keep their militias armed and their interests protected. The other aspects contributing to the war are the conflicting ethnic and religious groups. As the diagram illustrates, this is primarily the Muslims versus the Christians, who for years have had a long history of fighting over sovereignty and control.

13. Level of Strategic Interest: Regional

14. Outcome of Dispute: In-Progress


 


V. Related Information and Sources

15. Related Cases

ICE Cases:

US Santions on Sudan and the Gum Arabic Exemption

Civil War in the Sudan: Resources or Religion?

Environmental and Economic Repercussions of the Persian Gulf War on Kuwait

Angola Diamond Mining and War

Spratly Islands Dispute

TED Cases:

Burma Pipeline

The Desaguadero Oil Spill


16. Relevant Websites

Sudan.net

South Sudanese Friends International

Sudan Update

All Africa

Human Rights Watch - World report 2001

Amnesty International


17. Picture Credits

Sudan Flag and Sudan Map courtesy of Sudan.net, http://www.sudan.net/

Pipeline Map courtesy of South Sudanese Friends International, http://southsudanfriends.org/


18. Works Cited

  1. "Publications of the Casey Institute of the Center for Security Policy No. 00-C 87." The Center for Security Policy. Financial Times. "US Legislators want markets to sway Sudan." 2 November 2000. www.security-policy.org/papers/20000/00-P87at.html. Last Accessed 28 January 2001.

 2. "HRW Background Paper on Slavery and Slavery Redemption in the Sudan." Human Rights Watch. March 1999. www.hrw.org/backgrounder/africa/sudan1.htm. Last accessed 28 February 2001.

 3. Ibid.

 4. Ibid.

 5. "Publications of the Casey Institute of the Center for Security Policy No. 99-R 143." The Center for Security Policy. 10 December 1999. www.security-policy.org/papers/1999/99-R143at.html. Last accessed 28 February 2001.

 6. "Sudan: 2000 Annual Report." 5 March 2000. http://web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/Index/AFR540042000?OpenDocument&of=country...\Suda. Last accessed 25 February 2001.

 7. "Sudan: Country Reports on Human Rights Practices-1999." U.S. Department of State. February 2000. www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/index.cfm?docid=273. Last accessed 25 February 2001.

 8. "Bombings of Civilian Targets in Sudan have doubled." 13 December 2000. http://allafrica.com/stories/200012130370.html. Last accessed 23 February 2001.

 9. "University Student Witnesses Death In the Nuba Mountains." 18 February 2000. http://allafrica.com/stories/200002180077.html. Last Accessed 23 February 2001.

 10. "Horn of Africa: IRIW-HOA Update." 16 January 2001. http://allafrica.com/stories/200101160197.html. Last Accessed 23 February 2001.

 11. "Human Rights Bodies Condemn Abuse of Women." 1 January 1998. http://allafrica.com/stories/199801010016.html. Last Accessed 23 February 2001.

 12. Ibid.

 13. "Sudan: 2000 Annual Report." 5 March 2000. http://web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/Index/AFR540042000?OpenDocument&of=country...\Suda. Last accessed 25 February 2001.

 14. "Oil in Sudan: Deteriorating Human Rights." 5 March 2000. www.web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/index/AFR540012000. Last Accessed 17 Feburary 2001.

 15. "Sudan Investment." 2000. www.newafrica.com/energy/oil/sudan/overview.asp. Last Accessed 17 February 2001.

 16. "Oil in Sudan." South Sudanese Friends International. 25 June 2000. http://southsudanfriends.org/issues/oil000614.html. Last Accessed 17 February 2001.

17. Lyon, Alistair. "Interview-Sudan now self-sufficient in oil, to export petrol." 10 May 2000. www.sudan.net/wwwboard/news/30832.html. Last Accessed 17 February 2001.

18. "The Sudan Sequel." 15 October 2000. www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A7366-2000Oct14.html. Last Accessed 28 January 2001.

19. Iritani, Evelyn. "Curbs Urged on Foreign Firms' Wall Street Access." 13 February 2000. Los Angeles Times. Publications of the Casey Institute of the Center for Security Policy No.00-F 10. www.security-policy.org/papers/2000/00/F-10.html. Last Accessed 18 February 2001.

20. Ibid.

21. "The Companies." www.sudanupdate.org/REPORTS/OIL/17cos.html. Last Accessed 17 February 2001.

22. "Oil in Sudan." 25 June 2000. http://southsudanfriends.org/issues/oil000614.html. Last Accessed 17 February 2001.

23. Iritani, Evelyn. "Curbs Urged on Foreign Firms' Wall Street Access." 13 February 2000. Los Angeles Times. Publications of the Casey Institute of the Center for Security Policy No.00-F 10. www.security-policy.org/papers/2000/00/F-10.html. Last Accessed 18 February 2001.

24. "Publications of the Casey Institute of the Center for Security Policy No. 00-C 87." The Center for Security Policy. "Critical Mass: Financial Times Affirms of Capital Markets as Foreign Policy Leverage." 2 November 2000. www.security-policy.org/papers/2000/00-C87.html. Last Accessed 5 March 2001.

To voice your opinion, send a letter to one or more of the following US elected officials:

Write the President:

President George Bush
The White House
Washington, DC 20500
president@whitehouse.gov

Write your Senator or Representative:

Senator _____________
US Senate
Washington, DC 20510

Representative _____________
US House of Representatives
Washington, DC 20515

Write senior government officials who work on Sudan:

Secretary of State Colin Powell
Department of State
2201 C Street, NW
Washington, DC 20520
secretary@state.gov

United Nations Ambassador
US Mission to the UN
799 UN Plaza
New York, New York 10017

Assistant Secretary of State
Department of State
2201 C Street, NW
Washington, DC 20520

The following are members of the Appropriations Committee, which allocates money to assist Sudan:



- May 9, 2001-