RESEARCH PAPER NUMBER: X16
RESEARCH PAPER MNEMONIC: XCONFLICT
RESEARCH PAPER NAME: Conflict and Environment Cases
DRAFT AUTHOR: Mark C. DeMier, Fall 1996
I. AbstractClausewitzian war theorists purport that there are two primary motives which make men fight one another: hostile feelings and hostile intentions. This paper will survey ten different case studies regarding the relationship between international conflict and the environment in order to examine motives behind these hostilities which have not been studied in great detail to date. In doing so, the reader will have greater comprehension of the nature of conflict. Too often, the militarization of conflict clouds analysts' views on the source of conflict. Conflicts are viewed as "power grabs" by dictators or insurgent rebels, when in fact there are many underlying forces which culminate in hostile intentions. Economic, social, and political factors have been the traditional rationale. This paper will add environmental factors to the list.
II.Issue BackgroundBruce Bueno de Mesquita (The War Trap) states that "[e]very great conflict from the Peloponnesian War to the Second World War has stimulated studies of war. Unfortunately, the experience of war, and not the contemplation of peace, has provoked almost all of the literature on the subject, most studies having been brought into focus by empirical considerations rather than by theoretical reasoning. Reasoning--the attempt to reach a priori generalizations--is too often secondary to empiricism, so that the task of separating spurious generalizations from true ones is made more difficult."
An empirical study of the cause of conflict is therefore very important to understanding how to avoid it. Additionally, environmental issues are often at the base of conflict, yet conflict has not been widely studied from this angle. This paper will introduce that concept.
II.Relevant TED CasesThe cases used in this study consist of the following:
1. BRONZE CASE:
In ancient times, Roman dominance became pervasive throughout the Mediterranean world. As such, they sought to supplant ancient religions and political systems in the conquered regions with their own methods. Thus, worn metal statues commemorating ancient gods or heroes, which had stood for ages in the public areas in the cities of the conquered regions, were torn down and sent to Rome. This scrap metal was melted down and recast as either weapons for the Roman legions or new statues which were dedicated to historic Roman events or leaders.
The ancient Romans assumed an egocentric position of cultural supremacy over the peoples of the eastern Mediterranean region through force. Once conquest was achieved, the Romans sought to assimilate the new people into its cultural milieu. In attempting to do so, many different cultures were forcibly suppressed and submerged to the "superior" Roman one. In addition, the Romans utilized the recast metals to forge weapons which were then used in the secular activity of warfare against the effected peoples and their neighbors.
As the Roman Empire expanded and new areas were conquered, the population needed to be pacified in order to secure the areas under Roman control. One psychological way to accomplish this end would be to enter the public squares and agoras throughout the region and remove the figures and idols to which the conquered peoples felt their attachment. In such a plausible way, the Romans could remove the old, worn statues, transport them back to Italy and melt them down for their own use. Thus, one of world's first, if not THE first, recycling programs was born from a political necessity.
2. GUANO CASE:
Guano, a natual fertilizer made from bird droppings, was a prized commodity during the 19th century and heavily traded by European and American traders. It helped build countries like Peru, expanded empires such as the United States, made companies and individuals involved rich, and exploited the local populations and the environment.
Guano has been an international commodity for almost 200 years. Because of the improved crop yields that guano produced for farmers, guano became a heavily sought after commodity. Foreign traders, especially the British, set up trading houses to ship guano back to England and Europe for trade and distribution. The Americans also found guano to be valuable in increasing American crop yields, and permitted American traders to help the US government acquire islands in the Pacific and the Caribbean to ensure American reserves under the US Guano Island Act of 1856. Due to the British monopoly of Peruvian guano, the US Congress passed the guano act to help American companies compete within the guano market and to keep guano prices low for American farmers. Therefore, American entrepreneurs were given the power to claim guano islands in the Pacific and the Caribbean in the name of the US government. Around 60 islands were acquired or claimed under the Guano Island Act like Pacific islands such as Howland, Baker, and Jarvis islands, and Caribbean islands like Serranilla Keys, Navassa, and Petrel islands were held and later released from US control when the need for guano had diminished during the 20th century. As the 19th century came to an end, and artificial fertilizers were developed, guano became less important and countries like Peru suffered from economic decline and acquired deep debt from years of mismanaging and misusing of its guano funds.
The Philippines made their first claim in the area--which they refer to as the Kalayaan islands--in 1975 and has been developing oil in the region between the Spratlys and the island of Palawan since 1976. The Philippines real history in the region began in May 1956 when a private Philippine expedition surveyed and occupied some of the islands. The Philippines were a trusteeship of the Allied powers at the time and the guarantee of Allied protection kept the Philippines from garrisoning troops on its islands. However, as that guarantee weakened the Philippines decided to beef up its defense. In 1976, it set up a garrison on Palawan and in 1978 it established more soldiers on seven of the islands. There are currently about 1,000 Marines stationed on the islands. In 1979, the Philippines stated that it only wanted control of the seven islands under its control and administration and not the rest of the archipelago.
China and Vietnam are the main protagonists in the dispute. Vietnam claims to the islands--which they call the Truong Sa islands--are part of the empire of Annam, Vietnam's ancestor, in the l9th century. In 1815, an expedition sent by king Gia Long to chart sea lanes occupied and settled the islands. The French, who were Vietnam's colonial rulers, annexed the Spratlys in 1933, so Vietnam says the islands are theirs as the inheritors of the French possessions. In September 1973, Vietnam declared that the Spratlys were part of the Phuoc Tuy province. It has since stated that the Philippines are occupying part of its territory. Vietnam currently holds three islands.
China's claims to the island are based on the same history as Taiwan's claim. The PRC government maintains that it is the legitimate Chinese government and that, therefore, the islands-- which they call the Nansha islands--are their territory. They have been the most belligerent in pursuing their claim. The dispute between China and Vietnam picked up in 1988. Chinese naval vessels sailed into the Spratlys in January 1988 and Chinese marines started building defenses on one of the largest islands--the first time China has settled soldiers on the islands. In March, fighting broke out between Vietnam and China and China sunk two Vietnamese ships. While they have moved to more political means of dealing with the dispute, tensions remain high in the area. Confrontation surfaced again when China contracted with a US firm to begin testing for oil sights, even though the territorial issue remains far from solved. Occasional harassment of fishermen by all sides continues as well. Each of the six countries maintain its claim to all the islands. The protagonists have been discussing the possibility of shelving the sovereignty issue to undertake joint development of its resources and have sent a joint scientific team to run tests on resource potential.
With the abdication of President Siad Barre in 1989, the country of Somalia was thrown in a state of anarchy. The country is currently ruled by a series of warlords each holding a small section of the country. The rival factions have been at war with each other since the mid-eighties and a mission by the United Nations to stabilize the country has now ended in apparent political failure. The war led to a serious famine that was solved by the intervention. Less publicized was the exploitation of the Somalian crisis by firms who specialize in the disposal of hazardous waste.
In the fall of 1992 reports began to appear in the international media concerning unnamed European firms that were illegally dumping waste in Somalia. By most reports, several thousand tons of waste, mostly processed industrial waste, had already been dumped there. It was also reported that waste was seen being dumped off the Somali coast into the Indian Ocean. To further compound the country's environmental problems, a storage facility in northern Somalia filled with pesticides had been destroyed during the war. The spilt chemicals and resulting fire poisoned one of the few sources of drinking water in the famine ravaged country.
What caused controversy in 1992, however, were reports of a contract established between a Swiss firm, Achair Partners, and an Italian firm, Progresso, with Nur Elmy Osman, who claimed to be the Somali Minister of Health under an interim government headed by Ali Mahdi Muhammad. Osman had been a health official in the Barre government, but allegedly was no longer recognized as a government official by Ali Mahdi. Osman had supposedly entered into an $80 million contract in December of 1991, whereby the two firms would be allowed to build a 10 million ton storage facility for hazardous waste. The waste would first be burned in an incinerator to be built on the same site and then stored in the facility at the rate of 500,000 tons a year.
Reports of the alleged contract outraged the world community. The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) investigated the matter at the urging of Somalia's neighbors and the Swiss and Italian governments. What ensued was a period of accusations as both firms denied entering into any agreement, Osman denied signing any contract and the Swiss and Italian governments said they had no knowledge of the two firms activities.
As a result of the UNEP's investigation, the contract was declared null and the facility was never built. Still it became apparent to the UNEP's director Dr. Mustafa Tolba that the firms of Achair Partners and Progresso were set up specifically as fictitious companies by larger industrial firms to dispose of hazardous waste. At one point Dr. Tolba declared that the UNEP was dealing with a Mafia.
In 1994 the two warring sides in the Angolan civil war signed the Lusaka peace accords and subsequently have slowly retreated from their entrenched positions. However, due to the heinous number of land mines Angola will remain a country afflicted by the scourge of war for decades to come because the devices act as a silent enemy not allowing the population to progress and rebuild. Estimates of the number of Angolan land mines range between 10 and 20 million which equates to at least 1 to 2 land mines for every person in the country. UN estimates put the number of Angolan amputees resulting from the silent killers at 70,000. For three decades mines were scattered in Angola's fields, villages, roads, and other unexpected places to intimidate, maim and kill innocent victims. Land mines have a devastating affect upon the environment by restricting the movement of people, deterring farming, disrupting economies, and killing and mutilating many innocent men, women, and children. In 1993 a UN General Resolution moratorium on the sale and export of antipersonnel land mines was passed. However, international consensus has yet to be achieved and Angola's problem continues unabated.
Land mines affect Angola on a daily basis. Refugees are often unable to return to their homes and farm their land. In those cases where people attempt to rebuild around the mines many lose their lives in the process. In addition, animals are kept away from centuries old watering holes leaving them confused and likely to die in the harsh elements of the bush. Landmines are also causing difficulties for the Angolan government as it attempts to incorporate democracy and rebuild the shattered country with as little social discontent as possible. There is total disruption to human life and the environment.
In short, the Angolan landmine situation severely disrupts almost all aspects of the countries environment because landmines are a pollutant to humans, animals and fauna alike. For the time being the laying of landmines has stopped in Angola, but it continues at an alarming rate in other parts of the world and there seems to be no foreseeable solution to the problem. After the integration of both sides into a unified military and government landmines pose the largest threat to a long lasting peace, and the future of Angola both environmentally and literally. If the situation is not remedied with help from the international community Angolans will be confined to certain portions of the country which will not allow for industry and agriculture to flourish and will strain the land where landmines are not present to the point of desertification and severe species loss.
The Falkland/Malvinas Island War of 1982 seemed to be a war over islands with an economy based on a couple of thousand sheepfarmers. Since Britain has re-established itself as the controlling power of the Falkland Islands, discoveries of large oil reserves and tremendous fish stocks in the surrounding waters of the islands have made them a valuable commodity. Argentinean claims of sovereignty over the islands continues unabated, although recent dialogue over the future of the potential oil fields in the Southern Atlantic have begun. Not only will the economic impact be immense on the inhabitants of the small islands, but also on the delicate ecological system in place on the still somewhat pristine environment.
In the waters of the Southern Atlantic/Antarctic region where the Falkland Islands are located, large fishing stocks and oil reserves have lured many industrialized countries to their potential profits. In a study conducted by two private companies, Geco Prakla of Norway and Spectrum of Britain, it is estimated that the potential oil reserves may exceed by more than 50% the reserves of the UK sector of the North Sea. The British Geological Survey announced a 200-mile oil exploration zone around the islands in 1993. Early seismic surveys suggest substantial reserves capable of producing 500,000 barrels per day. These potential oil reserves in the areas around the Falkland Islands would make the South Atlantic Archipelago one of the largest oil producing areas within the next decade.
7. KUWAIT CASE:
During the Persian Gulf War from the fall of late 1990 to early 1991, Iraq embarked on a systematic destruction of Kuwait's oil industry, and Iraqi forces set fire to 789 individual Kuwaiti oil wells. The attendant results were catastrophic both from an economic and ecological standpoint. Kuwait's economy suffered a precipitous drop in export revenues immediately after the Gulf War, due to the inability to make up the production differences from the damaged oil wells. The ecological landscape of Kuwait and the Persian Gulf was irrevocably damaged due to the destruction unleashed by the burning oil wells, and it may be generations before this environment is restored to its pre-war balance. This case study examines the impact of the Gulf War on the Kuwaiti economic and ecological systems.
Kuwait has suffered severe economic and environmental dislocations as a result of Iraq's scorched earth policy during its occupation of Kuwait during the Gulf War. The forecast for the recovery of Kuwait's economy appears optimistic, given the increased productive capacity of the oil industry. However, it may be years, if not generations, before the full extent of the damage to the physical integrity of the region and to human, animal, and plant life, is fully assessed. These environmental costs may have repercussions not only for the region, but for other countries in central and south Asia. For example, some scientists have speculated that a 1994 cyclone in Bangladesh which killed 100,000 people was precipitated due to climactic changes from the Kuwait oil fires. The conflagration in Kuwait demonstrates the danger in conducting large scale modern combat in an environmentally fragile area, and shows how vulnerable all oil-producing nations are to this type of environmental and economic disaster in the future.
At a bare minimum, the Kuwaiti environmental disaster has galvanized Gulf policymakers to pay closer attention to the potential economic and environmental ramifications of conflict in their region. Kuwait and the other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states have sought to tighten existing environmental regulations so as to preclude any similar environmental disasters in the future. In November 1995, the GCC states met to discuss the prospects for unifying their environmental laws, drafting new uniform standards for environmental protection, and setting up environmental safeguards in the Gulf.
The former Soviet Union and, now Russia, have reportedly dumped radioactive waste in the Sea of Japan since 1950s. A report of an environmental group, Greenpeace, first revealed the surprising fact in February 1993, and Russian authorities admitted it the following month. Even then, the Russian navy audaciously dumped 900 tons of low level liquid nuclear waste directly in the Sea of Japan in October, 1993. In the face of strong resentment in Japan, the United States and other countries, the Russian government reluctantly announced that it would suspend the dumping. Since the Sea of Japan is a fertile fishing ground for surrounding countries such as, South Korea, North Korea, Japan and Russia itself, it is feared that fish and sea plants may be contaminated by those radioactive materials. Moreover, there may be possibility that such dangerous substances spread out of the Sea of Japan. In such a case, countries facing the Pacific Ocean might be threatened by the radioactive contamination through sea foods.
Iran has recently come under heightened US scrutiny for its deal with Russia to complete construction on two nuclear reactors that were initially built by the Germans during the time of the Shah. The US has excoriated Iran and Russia for both pursuing this nuclear alliance, and has worked to fashion a multilateral effort to deny Iran any nuclear technology and has attempted to leverage Russia from further engaging in nuclear trade with Iran. While the security aspects of the Iranian reactors have drawn immense scrutiny, less attention has been devoted to the economic and environmental components of the agreement. This case study examines both the economic and environmental aspects of the Russian-Iranian nuclear trade.
While the security and economic aspects of the Russian-Iranian nuclear deal have been discussed in great detail in many other forums, few, if any, have speculated on the possible ecological consequences of this arrangement. As mentioned previously, the Bushehr reactors that were constructed before the 1979 Iranian Revolution suffered extensive structural damage as a result of Iraqi air strikes during the Iran-Iraq War. One of the reactors was so badly damaged that the structure was until recently sealed, and its protective dome was covered by a metal sheet. In addition, the Russians have to figure out a way properly configure their 1,000 MW reactors into structures that were designed to house German 1,200 MW reactors. Therefore, based on the structural problems inherent in the reactor deal, the possibility of a radiation leakage due to deficiencies in the new structure is not out of the realm of possibility.
The foregoing analysis has demonstrated that the Iranian-Russian nuclear reactor deal affects security-related, economic, and ecological considerations not only in the transacting countries, but in the countries across the region as well. Sustained attention to the issue needs to be devoted, in order to properly examine all of the aforementioned factors in the future, and at a bare minimum, to forestall an ecological disaster in the Persian Gulf.
10. UGANDA CASE:
Since its establishment in 1990, the World Bank and United Nations-based Global Environmental Facility (GEF) has paid ever increasing attention to the development and conservation potentials of ecotourism. While previous projects did have some ecotourism components, the GEF set a precedent in early 1995 by funding a US $4 million ecotourism project in Uganda, and by wrapping up negotiations for a similar project in Zimbabwe. The concept of "ecotourism" is new and rather ambiguous, however, and what are assumed will be net positive environmental and economic impacts have yet to be conclusively established.
The country in focus in this case, Uganda, is emerging from years of political instability and entrenched poverty. Before Idi Amin took power in 1971, Uganda had a major tourism industry, but that crashed with the instability of the country. Today, tourism is picking up again, and Uganda, with diverse, yet endangered natural resources has found it preferable to pursue ecotourism for the main reason that conservation efforts need to be intensified, but also because tourism is one of the few products which it can trade in the international marketplace. Uganda is also receiving generous funding to support these efforts from international non- governmental organizations and financial institutions. A task force has prepared a National Environmental Action Plan (NEAP), which the government adopted in 1994. A recently funded Global Environmental Fund ecotourism project, Bwindi Impenetrable National Park (BINP) and Mgahinga Gorilla National Park (MGNP) Conservation, for conservation and tourism is but one of a planned series of actions to strengthen the implementation of the NEAP and gaining investments to help do so.
IV. Comparison & ContrastIn this section, the cases are broken down and analyzed by "cluster" in an effort to determine at least some statistical indicators leading to environmentally based conflict. Charts showing the similarities and differences of a relatively narrow field across the ten case-studies will give the reader an idea of how a full quantitative study might reveal environmentally related predictors of conflict. Later, in summation, some preliminary indicators are "broken-out" using an alpha of .5. That is, if at least five of the ten case-studies analyzed contain the same attributes in a particular cluster, it is noted.
LEGAL CLUSTER
| Discource | Status | Legal Standing | |
| BRONZE |
Agree |
Complete |
Law |
| GUANO |
Agree |
Historical |
Treaty |
| SPRATLY |
Disagree |
In Progress |
Treaty |
| SOMALIA |
Disagree |
Complete |
Treaty |
| LANDMINE |
Disagree |
In Progress |
Treaty |
| FALKOIL |
Disagree |
In Progress |
Treaty |
| KUWAIT |
Disagree |
Complete |
Law |
| JAPANSEA |
Agree |
In Progress |
Treaty |
| IRANNUKE |
Agree |
In Progress |
Treaty |
| UGANDA |
Agree |
In Progress |
Law |
Totals:
In the Legal Cluster, one can infer from the data that treaties hold less restrictive power than laws, as most of the disputes are still in progress despite the fact that there are seven treaties involved. Moreover, half of the parties remain in a state of disagreement. This means, to some measure, that international law is unenforceable.
GEOGRAPHIC CLUSTER
|
Domain |
Habitat |
|
| BRONZE |
S. Europe |
Ocean |
| GUANO |
Pacific |
Ocean |
| SPRATLY |
Asia |
Tropical |
| SOMALIA |
Mideast |
Dry |
| LANDMINE |
Africa |
Tropical/Dry |
| FALKOIL |
S. America |
Ocean |
| KUWAIT |
Mideast |
Ocean |
| JAPANSEA |
Pacific |
Ocean |
| IRANNUKE |
Asia |
Dry |
| UGANDA |
Africa |
Tropical |
Totals:
Here, the domain does not seem to make any difference. However, areas of extreme or difficult living/working habitats tend to have a larger share of conflict. This could be due to the scarce resources found in dry climates, for instance, or the frustrations felt when competing for resources in unclaimed territory, such as the ocean.
TRADE CLUSTER
| Measure | Impact | |
| BRONZE | Administrative |
Direct |
| GUANO |
Export Ban |
Direct |
| SPRATLY |
Regulatory Standard |
Indirect |
| SOMALIA |
Import Ban |
Direct |
| LANDMINE |
Export Ban |
Direct |
| FALKOIL |
Licensing |
Direct |
| KUWAIT |
NAPP |
Indirect |
| JAPANSEA |
Regulatory Standard |
Indirect |
| IRANNUKE |
Export Ban |
Direct |
| UGANDA |
Regulatory Standard |
Direct |
Totals:
The Trade Cluster shows that the measure used to create some change by one of the parties will be one that likely causes a direct impact on trade, whatever measure that may be.
ECONOMIC CLUSTER
| Impact in US Dollars | Industry in Dispute | |
| BRONZE |
N/A |
Metals |
| GUANO |
$500 Million |
Mineral |
| SPRATLY |
Billions |
Oil |
| SOMALIA |
Undetermined |
Waste |
| LANDMINE |
Undetermined |
Landmine |
| FALKOIL |
Undetermined |
Oil |
| KUWAIT |
$12.3 Billion |
Oil |
| JAPANSEA |
Undetermined |
Nuclear Waste |
| IRANNUKE |
$600 Million |
Nuclear Technology |
| UGANDA |
~$4.8 Million |
Tourism |
The economic impacts are often very hard to determine without a crystal ball. Many figures are estimates on potential gains or losses, and are difficult to determine with great accuracy. Clearly, however, the potential economic is real and forseeable. For example, the oil shocks of the 1970s had drastic implications for the entire international monetary system due to the world's inflexible dependence on oil--and the need for a stable price of oil.
ENVIRONMENTAL CLUSTER
|
Type |
|
| BRONZE |
Pollution: Air, Land, and Sea |
| GUANO |
Habitat Loss |
| SPRATLY |
Pollution: Sea |
| SOMALIA |
Pollution: Land |
| LANDMINE |
Habitat Loss |
| FALKOIL |
Pollution: Sea |
| KUWAIT |
Pollution: Air, Land, and Sea |
| JAPANSEA |
Pollution: Sea |
| IRANNUKE |
Radioactivity |
| UGANDA |
Deforestation |
Totals:
In this case, the effects of environmental degradation are closely inter-related. Pollution is the most common type here, but logically, pollution leads to habitat loss, which leads to species extinction, and so on. If pollution is indeed the most common factor in this cluster, it is an indication of greater harm in the long-term.
OTHER FACTORS
| Culture |
Transboundary |
Human Rights | |
| BRONZE |
Yes |
Yes |
Yes |
| GUANO |
No |
No |
No |
| SPRATLY |
No |
No |
Yes |
| SOMALIA |
No |
No |
Yes |
| LANDMINE |
No |
Yes |
No |
| FALKOIL |
Yes |
Yes |
No |
| KUWAIT |
Yes |
Yes |
Yes |
| JAPANSEA |
No |
Yes |
Yes |
| IRANNUKE |
No |
No |
Yes |
| UGANDA |
No |
Yes |
Yes |
Totals:
This section is somewhat broad, and would be better analyzed with a much larger number of cases. Nonetheless, it is evident all three issues here are important indicators of potential violence.
Comparative Conclusions:
Upon examination of the data, I have selected several factors which have the potential to be statistical indicators of environmental conflict. I have chosen variables in which at least 50% of the results are the same in their respective categories. With further statistical analysis, and an adequate number of cases, the significance of these indicative variables could theoretically be strengthened to the point of near predictability.
The next section will attempt to offer some form of insight into why these factors have importance in the real world.
V.Policy ImplicationsArguably, all wars are fought due to scarcity of one form or another. Dr. James R. Lee, of The American University in Washington, DC, notes three demonstrative, historical cases in his "Conflict and Environment Database:"
Hence there is a clear, historical precedent for resource/scarcity based conflict.
It is important to make note of the role environmental issues play in analyzing policymakers' approach to dealing with international conflict. As stated in the beginning, conflict is too often oversimplified. The antagonist and protagonist in dispute are thought to be fighting each other out of cultural hatred, military gain, or revolution. While those issues are indeed fundamental causes of warfare, leaders need to work to address these resource- based causes in a peaceful matter--before things explode.
Iraq's invasion of Kuwait was a brutal landgrab for geopolitical and economic gain. In the process of imploding, Iraq also wrought unprecedented destruction in the oil fields of Kuwait and the Persian Gulf. Perhaps it would be wise for Americans to begin a conversion to natural gas powered vehicles before we are forced to use our strategic oil reserved due to another oil war.
Fishing rights in international waters always seem to cause some type of conflict, such as the Falklands case, although not usually violent. A more forceful voice in the next GATT rounds to address the issue of "common" resources may help minimize future confrontation of this sort.
The 1993 Rio Summit attempted to curb international pollution. Pollution will likely remain a difficult problem to contend with as it is quite difficult for developing nations to balance industrialization with eco-friendly pollution standards.
Many issues come to one's mind when thinking about scarcity as an underlying theme of conflict. The best we can do is be aware of these issues and work to control them before hostilities erupt. Unfortunately, as global population increases, and interdependence grows in necessity, there is apt to be more scarcity. With more scarcity there will probably be more violent struggle to control resources.
Further Information
Bibliography
Bueno de Mesquita, Bruce, and David Lalman. War and Reason. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992.
Bueno de Mesquita, Bruce. The War Trap. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1981.
Clausewitz, Carl Von. On War. Edited by Michael Howard and Peter Paret. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984.
Smeller, Neil J. and Richard Swedberg, ed. The Handbook of Economic Sociology. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994.
Somewhat Related WEB Sites:
World Conservation Monitoring Centre